Climate change governance and political incompetence

It has been announced that an Authority on Climate Change will be set up by government. This  has apparently been approved by Cabinet, earlier this week. No further details have so far been released.

It is not at all clear whether this authority will be expected to take charge of the action required on a national level in order to mitigate the impacts of climate change, or else, whether it will take the lead in the initiatives required to adapt to climate change.

Currently available on the website of the Ministry responsible for Climate Change one can peruse a draft document dated September 2023 and entitled Draft Energy and Climate Plan 2021-2030. As far as I am aware this document is still a draft. A definite version has apparently not been published yet notwithstanding that it should have been in effect 3 years ago! This draft document lays down national objectives relative to energy policy within the context of the climate change debate.

There is no Climate Change Adaptation Strategy available on the Ministry’s website. Some years ago (May 2012) a National Climate Change Adaptation Strategy was adopted and published, but apparently this has not been updated. It could, most probably, have been discarded; however, no information is available on the matter. Perusing my copy of the said strategy, I recollect that it was a reasonable first effort and was supplemented by an extensive 164-page report drawn up by the then Climate Change Committee for Adaptation. These documents were drawn up after extensive public consultation.

While energy issues are foremost in any Climate Change Adaptation Strategy, we need to go in considerable detail on other equally important aspects, such as the impacts of climate change on agriculture, water resources, health, civil protection, land use planning, tourism, coastal settlements, protection of the coastal infrastructure as well as biodiversity and the marine environment.

The debate on water resources has been ongoing and various policy initiatives have addressed the matter over the years. I am not sure as to what has been done by the Agriculture Ministry or the Health Ministry, but at the end of the day it is those same Ministries which need to initiate, implement and monitor the required action in their areas of responsibility.

Similarly, the Tourism Ministry seems clueless on climate change impacts on the industry. I have yet to come across a serious assessment of climate change on tourism in the Maltese islands and in particular on the potential havoc which tourism infrastructure will have to face as a result of an inevitable sea level rise.

What about inbuilding climate change considerations in land use planning policy and design guidelines? The 15-minute city initiative in Paris and elsewhere specifically addresses climate change in an urban policy context. Yet the Planning Authority in Malta is not bothered at all.

On the other hand, we need to realise that there have been various valid proposals over the years which have been discarded by government. One specific example which comes to mind is the proposal in the National Transport Master Plan which has pointed out the need to embark on private vehicle restraint.

The fact that to date we have an out-of-date Climate Change Adaptation Strategy and no effective coordination at Ministerial level on climate change impacts across all areas, signifies a failure of the Climate Change Ministry to implement its basic political brief over the years.

This is where the proposed Climate Change Authority comes in. It will most probably be considered essential to fill the coordination gap created by incompetence at the political level over the years.

The Ministry responsible for Climate Change specifically exists to coordinate, across government, issues of climate change through the various Ministries. This coordination has, unfortunately, over the years been inexistent. Hence the proposed solution to setup an authority to fill in the gap.

Climate change governance, over the years, has been characterised by political incompetence. The creation of an authority will just serve to shift the blame.

published in The Malta Independent on Sunday: 14 January 2024

The Climate Emergency: beyond the MCESD circus

On the 22 October 2019 Parliament unanimously accepted what has been obvious to most of us for quite some time: we are in the midst of a climate emergency.

Taking stock of the situation, now, four years down the line, reveals that not much has been done to translate the 2019 Parliamentary consensus into tangible action. It was only as a result of the current dramatic failure of the power distribution network that Robert Abela’s government has woken up from its climatic slumber. With a straight face he stated that the failure of the distribution network is a result of a worsening climate change!

Undoubtedly climate change was one of the contributors to the power distribution network’s failure. Climate change is however not the only culprit. Gross incompetence and lack of long-term planning are the major contributors to the current state of affairs. After ten years in office his party must shoulder the blame.

ADPD-The Green Party has written to the Auditor General specifically to investigate Enemalta’s long-term plans (or the lack of them) and to examine the investments made into the energy distribution network over the last ten years. Those responsible have to be held accountable.

Robert Abela’s MCESD circus, last week, was another exercise in greenwashing. His government had various opportunities since 2019 in order to lay the foundations for a realistic forward looking plan addressing climate change but it has completely opted to turn a Nelson eye.

During July, for example, at the EU Environment Council of Ministers, Malta was one of the countries voting in favour of the EU Commission proposal to restore nature as part of the Green Deal package. A proposal that was substantially watered down from the original Timmermans proposal. If Robert Abela’s government really believes in what he has supported at an EU level he ought to start reflecting this in the decisions he takes at a local level.

How is it possible to be credible in your commitment to restore the depleted natural capital across the EU when you have not been capable of protecting the uptake of agricultural land for development at the peripheries of our towns and villages as a result of the rationalisation exercise? (Robert Abela, you can ask your own Żurrieq constituents on the rape of in-Nigret, currently in hand.)

Or how can you be taken seriously that you have undertaken to protect the urban canopy in the existing green spaces (including large private gardens) in our towns and villages when many of these have been or are still being developed on the altar of greed? Investing €700 million in green open spaces is not enough: it does not even compensate for the damage inflicted by the rationalisation exercise on our countryside. Remember we are speaking of two million square metres.

We need a holistic climate policy that comes to grips with the reality that we are facing year in year out. The heat-wave we have just experienced has the potential of shifting the tourist market northwards during the summer months, away from the Mediterranean shores. We are witnessing the first clear indicators of the tropicalisation of the Mediterranean climate, yet the tourism industry is ecstatic at the current tourism numbers which are fast approaching the 2019 record year.

The Malta International Airport (MIA), Malta Hotels and Restaurants Association (MHRA) and the Malta Tourism Authority (MTA) need to wake up and smell the coffee.  Climate change needs to be anchored in tourism policy before it is too late.

The Maltese islands will be severely impacted by the next stages of climate change: the rise in sea level. The coastal areas will be hard hit. Depending on the extent of the sea level rise, they will be wiped out or substantially reduced. This will impact coastal communities as well as all the coastal infrastructure, which includes practically all our tourism facilities. Yet the tourism industry is silent, busy counting today’s euros.

Beyond last week’s MCESD circus the government has a duty to act and make up for lost time. It is a duty towards future generations. Unfortunately, future generations have been consistently written off as they have no vote. Gro Harlem Bundtland had warned us in her seminal 1987 UN Report Our Common Future: “We act as we do because we can get away with it: future generations do not vote; they have no political or financial power; they cannot challenge our decisions.”

Once upon a time we also had a Guardian for Future Generations. His silence on climate change is deafening.

published in The Malta Independent on Sunday: 6 August 2023

F’laqgħa mal-awditur ġenerali

Il-bieraħ flimkien mal-kollegi Mario u Sandra iltqajt mal-Awditur Ġenerali. Il-laqgħa saret dwar it-talba li għadna kif għamilna bħala partit biex issir investigazzjoni dwar x’ippjanar hemm biex is-sistema tad-distribuzzjoni tal-elettriku fil-pajjiż taħdem sewwa. Huwa essenzjali li fond pubbliċi jintefqu bil-galbu.

L-Korporazzjoni Enemalta trid tagħti kont ta’ egħmilha.

Din mhux l-ewwel darba li ltqajna mal-awditur ġenerali. Fil-fatt hemm tlett investigazzjonijiet oħra li diġa għamilna talba lill-awditur ġenerali dwarhom.

Fosthom hemm it-talba li għamilna xi xhur ilu biex ikun investigat l-Istitut għall-Istudji Turistiċi (ITS) dwar allegazzjoni ta’ impiegi fantażma. Dawk li hemm uħud jiftaħru li jitħanżru bihom. Din l-l-investigazzjoni għadha pendenti imma infurmati li qed toqrob lejn it-tmiem.

Tlabna ukoll investigazzjoni dwar il-kriterji li bihom Ministri u Segretarji Parlamentari jieħdu somma flus hekk kif jispiċċaw mill-kariga (il-golden handshake). Din l-investigazzjoni għadha pendenti.

Hemm investigazzjoni oħra li ilna żmien li għamilna talba dwarha. Din l-investigazzjoni hi dwar il-ġbir tat-taxxi u l-prattika li dieħla ta’ offsetting: jiġifieri li mit-taxxi pendenti li għandek tagħti jitnaqqsu ammonti li għandek tieħu mingħand il-Gvern. Din hi prattika li dieħla ftit ftit u hemm bżonn li tkun regolata sewwa biex ikun evitat l-abbuż.

Nistennew il-ħidma tal-awditur ġenerali għax din hi essenzjali biex jintefa dawl fuq il-ħidma tas-settur pubbliku. Biex dak li hemm min iridu jibqa’ mistur joħroġ fi-dawl tax-xemx. Għax b’hekk biss kulħadd ikun jista’ jagħti kont ta’ egħmilu.

L-awditur ġenerali huwa essenzjali biex il-kontabiltà ma tkunx biss kelma fuq il-karta.

Profitti għas-settur privat, riskji u kontijiet għall Gvern!

Nhar it-Tnejn li għadda l-Parlament iddiskuta s-sentenza mogħtija mill-Imħallef Francesco Depasquale fuq il-konċessjoni dwar tlett isptarijiet tal-Gvern lill-Vitals Global Healthcare liema konċessjoni eventwalment għaddiet għand Steward Health Care. Id-deċiżjoni li ngħatat hi kontra l-Prim Ministru bħala kap tal-Eżekuttiv, kif ukoll kontra l-Avukat Ġenerali, kumpaniji diversi mill-grupp kummerċjali ta’ Steward Health Care u xi korpi pubbliċi u r-rappresentanti tagħhom.

Din hi kawża li ppreżenta Adrian Delia meta kien għadu Kap tal-Opposizzjoni. Il-parti kbira tad-diskussjoni parlamentari dwar din is-sentenza iffukat fuq nuqqas ta’ governanza tajba, dwar tmexija ħażina u dwar frodi flimkien mal- korruzzjoni, assoċjati ma’ din il-konċessjoni sa mit-tnissil tagħha.

Dan kollu joħroġ ċar mis-sentenza tal-Qorti tal-ġimgħa l-oħra. Imma għal min kien attent, dan kien diġa jidher ċar fiż-żewġ rapporti dwar din il-konċessjoni tal-isptarijiet, rapporti li ħareġ l-Awditur Ġenerali f’Lulju 2020 u f’Diċembru 2021. Is-sentenza tal-Qorti qed issaħħaħ u tirrinforza l-konklużjonijiet li wasal għalihom l-Awditur Ġenerali.

Niftakru li f’Lulju 2020 l-Awditur Ġenerali kien ippubblika l-ewwel rapport tiegħu, rapport li hu mifrux fuq iktar minn 200 paġna u li kien jiffoka fuq il-proċess tal-offerti għall-konċessjoni dwar l-isptarijiet. Dan kien supplimentat b’addendum ta’ 20 paġna oħra. Iktar tard f’Diċembru 2021 l-Awditur Ġenerali kien ippubblika it-tieni rapport tiegħu b’467 paġna, li kien jiffoka fuq il-qafas kuntrattwali tal-konċessjoni u kif dan ġie mħaddem.

L-Awditur Ġenerali kien ikkonkluda fir-rapporti tiegħu li l-preparazzjoni li wettaq il-Gvern in konnessjoni mal-konċessjoni kienet waħda superfiċjali, u li meta ħareġ is-sejħa għall-offerti kien fil-fatt diġa ftiehem u fuq kollox lill-Kabinett bosta drabi kien iħallieh fil-għama. Anke l-Ministru tal-Finanzi kien imwarrab, qiesu kien qiegħed hemm għalxejn!

Punt interessati li isemmi l-Awditur Ġenerali hu li Vitals Global Healthcare ippreżentaw garanzija bankarja mill-Bank of India li kienet datata 13 ta’ Marzu 2015, ħmistax-il ġurnata qabel ma fil-fatt ħarġet is-sejħa għall-offerti. Dan sar għax il-ftehim kien diġa sar u s-sejħa li ħarġet għall-offerti kienet waħda finta! A bażi ta’ dan, l-Awditur Ġenerali kien tal-fehma li Vitals Global Healthcare kellhom ikunu skwalifikati milli jippartiċipaw fis-sejħa għall-offert għall-konċessjoni dwar l-isptarijiet.

Dan hu kollu importanti u separatament wassal għal konklużjonijiet li issa wasal għalihom ukoll l-Imħallef Depasquale fis-sentenza li qed nitkellmu dwarha. Ifisser li Gvern serju, kieku ried, seta jaġixxi. Kellu biżżejjed informazzjoni biex jibgħat lil Steward Health Care isaqqu. Imma b’mod ċar dan ma setax jagħmlu għax il-Gvern kien parti integrali mill-ħadma li saret.

Imma hemm affarijiet oħra, daqstant importanti, ta’ natura fundamentali u li huma presentment skartati mid-diskussjoni pubblika. Kemm jagħmel sens li qasam sensittiv bħas-saħħa ikollu parti sostanzjali minnu taħt kontroll kważi assolut tas-settur privat. Jagħmel sens il-Public-Private Partnership fil-qasam tas-saħħa?

Din hi mistoqsija li hi kompletament skartata fid-dibattitu pubbliku li sar u li għadu għaddej. Hi mistoqsija fundamentali li mit-tweġiba għaliha tista’ toħroġ il-fasla ta’ kif is-settur privat jista’ jikkontribwixxi u jipparteċipa mingħajr ma jikkontrolla: kif kulħadd jitħallas ta’ xogħolu imma li ħadd ma jitħalla jberbaq il-ġid tal-pajjiż.

L-esperjenza li għandna f’dan il-pajjiz dwar l-involviment tas-settur privat f’dawn it-tip ta’ proġetti hi waħda ta’ problemi kbar: problema ta’ deċiżjonijiet ħziena u ta’ abbuż ta’ poter, kif ukoll suspetti kbar ta’ frodi u korruzzjoni. Dan b’referenza kemm għal din il-konċessjoni tal-isptarijiet, il-progett tal-enerġija f’Delimara u anke fil-progett ta’ San Vinċenz f’Ħal-Luqa. F’kull kaz hemm rapporti voluminużi tal-Awditur Ġenerali li jispjegaw dettaljatatment it-taħwid li ġie iġġenerat mill-Gvern immexxi mill-Partit Laburista wara l-2013.

Huwa mudell ekonomiku fallut li jarmi l-assi pubbliċi. Mudell li intuża ukoll f’ċirkustanzi oħra bħall-bejgħ tal-art f’Pembroke bir-ribass biex ikun iffavoreġġat il-proġett spekulattiv tal-Grupp dB.  Il-profitti li jirriżultaw mill-ispekulazzjoni, sfortunatament għandhom prijorità fuq il-ġid komuni għal dan il-Gvern.

Hu ċar li jekk irridu l-involviment tas-settur privat fi proġetti pubbliċi, dan l-involviment għandu jkun regolat sewwa u din ir-regolamentazzjoni għandha tkun infurzat biex tkun assigurata governanza tajba mill-bidu nett, mill-ewwel ideat sat-twettieq ta’ proġetti ta’ din ix-xorta.  S’issa kollox qiegħed jitħalla jimxi għal riħu bil-konsegwenzi li qed naraw b’għajnejna u li qed insiru nafu bihom ftit ftit. Nuqqas ta’ regoli ċari li jkunu infurzati jwassal inevitabilment għal taħwid, għal frodi u għal korruzzjoni. Riżultat ta’ hekk ibati l-pajjiz kollu.

ippubblikat fuq Illum: 5 ta’ Marzu 2023

Private profits public risks

On Monday Parliament discussed the decision delivered in Court by Judge Francesco Depasquale relative to the Government hospital concession awarded to Vitals Global Healthcare, eventually substituted by Steward Health Care. The decision delivered is against the Prime Minister as head of the Executive, as well as the Attorney General, various companies in the Steward Health Care Group and a number of quangos and their representatives.

This Court Case was presented by Adrian Delia when he was Leader of the Opposition. The major part of the Parliamentary discussion has focused on bad governance, fraud and corruption which were all associated with the hospital concession process since its inception.

All this emanates from the Court decision delivered last week. However, those who observe the political scene attentively would be undoubtedly aware that all this was already evident in two reports published by the Auditor General on this hospital concession: the first one published in July 2020 and the second one in December 2021. The Court’s decision, in fact, reinforces the Auditor General’s conclusions.

We do clearly remember that in July 2020 the Auditor General had published a first report running into over 200 pages focusing on the hospital concession tendering process. This was followed by an addendum and later, in December 2021 the Auditor General published a second report, 467 pages long, which reviewed the contractual framework of the hospital concession.

In his reports the Auditor General concluded that the preparatory work carried out by the public sector in relation to the hospital concession was very superficial. The Auditor General’s reports also identified that even before the request for proposals was published Government had already concluded on awarding Vitals Global Healthcare the hospitals concession! Cabinet and even the Finance Minister were generally kept in the dark. 

The Auditor General, in his investigations, found a bank guarantee presented by Vitals Global Healthcare. It was issued by the Bank of India on the 13 March 2015, a fortnight before the request for proposals was even published. This clearly established that the agreement was already sealed even before the public request for proposals had been published. The Auditor General had clearly identified this as a definite proof of collusion. On this basis, the Auditor General had in fact expressed a strongly worded opinion that Vitals Global Healthcare should have been disqualified from participating in the request for proposals relative to the hospitals’ concession.

All this is of paramount importance. Way back in 2020/21 it had led to the Auditor General conclusions which have now been confirmed by Mr Justice Depasquale in the decision delivered last week. This means that government should and could have acted then: it had sufficient information to send Steward Health Care packing. However very clearly it could not act as it was part and parcel of the deceit at hand.

There are however further matters, just as important as the above, which the current debate unfortunately avoids. We should ask: does it make sense for a sector as sensitive as health to be controlled in this manner by the private sector? Does a public-private partnership in the health sector make sense?

These questions are being ignored in the public debate currently at hand. These questions are of a fundamental nature as the replies thereto could identify the manner as to how the private sector can be involved without having a controlling interest and how all those involved can be fairly remunerated without squandering public funds.

The local accumulated experience resulting from this kind of projects is very problematic: we are continuously faced with incorrect decisions, abusive decision-taking as well as substantial suspicions of fraud and corruption. This is being stated with reference not just to this hospital concession but also to the energy deal at the Delimara Power Station and the project at the Luqa elderly residence: St Vincent de Paul. In each case the Auditor General has produced voluminous reports detailing the mayhem generated by the post 2013 Labour government.

It is a failed economic model which discounts public goods. It has also been applied in other sectors: a case in point being the Pembroke land “sold” at throwaway prices in favour of the speculative project of the dB Group. Speculative profit is unfortunately being continuously prioritised over the common good by the present government.

It is crystal clear that if we want the private sector involved in public projects its involvement must be regulated, and the said regulatory regime must be adequately enforced in order to ensure good governance throughout, from inception right through to implementation. So far it is a free for all: the consequences are for all to see.  A lack of clear rules and their enforcement inevitably leads to confusion, fraud and corruption. The whole country, as a result, has to pay the consequences.

published in The Malta Independent on Sunday : 5 March 2023

Lejn politika dwar is-sigurtà meħtieġa fl-enerġija

Il-politika ta’ Malta dwar l-enerġija teħtieġ li tassigura li jkollna l-enerġija elettrika li neħtieġu u li din, safejn hu possibli ma tkunx dipendenti fuq wisq fatturi varjabbli.

Nhar l-Erbgħa, għal darb’oħra kellna qtugħ fil-provista tal-elettriku fil-parti l-kbira tal-pajjiż.  Kien qtugħ li ma damx għax il-ħaddiema tal-Enemalta, b’dedikazzjoni, solvew il-problema f’qasir żmien.  Imma, sal-ħin li qed nikteb dak li wassal għall-qtugħ tal-provista tal-elettriku għadu mhux magħruf.

Dan seħħ wara qtugħ ieħor nhar l-10 ta’ Frar, qtugħ li kien ferm iktar mifrux. Dakinnhar konna infurmati li kien hemm il-problemi ġejjin mill- interconnector tal-enerġija elettrika bejn Malta u Sqallija.

Waqt il-maltempata li ħakmet il-gżejjer Maltin il-ġimgħa l-oħra, it-tanker tal-gass kien skunnettjat għal xi siegħat bħala miżura ta’ prewkazzjoni, biex ikunu evitati inċidenti u ħsara. F’dan il-ħin kritiku, minn Delimara ma ħadniex farka elettriku għax il-gass kien skunnettjat. Riżultat ta’ dan konna dipendenti għal kollox fuq l-interconnector ma’ Sqallija għall-elettriku f’dak il-ħin.  Huwa f’dan il-kuntest li għal kważi sagħtejn sħaħ l-interconnector ma kienx qed jiffunzjona: l-parti l-kbira tal-gżejjer Maltin kienu bla elettriku, simultanjament la kien qed jaħdem l-interconnector u l-anqas il-power station ta’ Delimara! Dik sigurta!

L-incidenti jseħħu l-ħin kollu. Dak li ġara, iżda, ma jistax ikun deskritt bħala incident. Kien il-konsegwenza loġika tal-politika dwar il-ġenerazzjoni tal-enerġija f’dawn il-gżejjer. Hu riżultat tal-fiduċja għamja fl-interconnector li wasslitna għal dipendenza sħiħa fuqu. Tant din il-fiduċja għamja rabbiet għeruq fondi li issa qed jippjanaw it-tieni interconnector biex issa jassiguraw li nkunu għal kollox dipendenti fuqhom. Flok ma jnaqqas id-dipendenza fil-qasam tal-enerġija dan il-Gvern qed jippjana li jżidha!

Min qed jaqra bla dubju jiftakar dwar id-drabi li ankri tal-vapuri għamlu ħsara lill-interconnector tal-enerġija bejn Malta u Sqallija. Dan seħħ ftit il-barra mill-kosta ta’ Sqallija meta tanker li jtajjar il-bandiera ta’ Singapore bl-isem Di Matteo ikkawża ħsara kbira fl-interconnector fl-2019 ftit il-barra minn Ragusa. Dan seħħ ukoll ftit il-barra minn mal-kosta ta’ Baħar iċ-Ċagħaq meta il-vapur Chem P kważi nkalja f’Marzu 2022. L-ankra tiegħu tkaxkret ma’ qiegħ il-baħar u anke dakinnhar saret ħsara sostanzjali lill-interconnector.

L-interconnector hu kalamita għal dawn l-inċidenti, kemm fl-ibħra Maltin kif ukoll f’dawk Sqallin. Bit-traffiku marittimu li hawn f’dawn l-inħawi, dawn l-inċidenti ser jibqgħu jigru. Ftit li xejn jistgħu jkunu evitati

Ħadd f’sensieh ma għandu jippjana t-twettieq ta’politika enerġetika dipendenti fuq sitwazzjoni bħal din. Imma dan hu eżattament dak li ġara: hekk ippjanaw, u hekk wettqu l-gvernijiet Maltin, wieħed wara l-ieħor!   Sfortunatament l-istat attwali tal-politika tal-enerġija ta’ Malta hi riżultat ta’ din il-kwalità ta’ tmexxija ħażina. L-insulti u l-kliem dispreġġjattiv waqt is-seduti Parlamentari ma jsolvu xejn.

Fir-realtà hu irrelevanti jekk l-interconnector żviluppax il-ħsara minħabba li kien qed jintuża żżejjed inkella jekk żviluppax il-ħsara riżultat ta’ xi ħaġa oħra. Ir-realtà li irridu niffaċċjaw hi li l-qtugħ tad-dawl qed ikun frekwenti u li dan mhux aċċettabbli.

L-ispiża biex tissewwa l-ħsara li ġarrab l- interconnector hi waħda sostanzjali. Imma din mhi xejn ħdejn il-ħsara li qed issir lill-ekonomija tal-pajjiż u lir-reputazzjoni tiegħu riżultat ta’politika tal-enerġija bla sens.  

Jeħtieġ li nifhmu li huwa mportanti li nagħtu l-attenzjoni xierqa lill-politika dwar l-enerġija. It-tieni   interconnector m’għandniex bżonnu! Minflok neħtieġu li nintensifikaw il-ħidma biex tiżdied il-ġenerazzjoni ta’ enerġija rinovabbli. Hu meħtieġ ukoll li naċċelleraw ix-xogħol li qieġhed isir biex tissaħħaħ is-sistema tad-distribuzzjoni tal-elettriku għax dan jagħmilha possibli li niġġeneraw iktar enerġija rinovabbli minn fuq il-bjut tad-djar tagħna.  Sakemm is-sistema tad-distribuzzjoni tal-elettriku tissaħħaħ, dan il-potenzjal huwa limitat.

Proġetti kbar immirati biex tkun iġġenerata iktar enerġija rinovabbli permezz ta’ iktar investiment jistgħu jimxu id f’id ma’proġetti żgħar fuq il-bjut tad-djar tagħna. Jekk dan isir sewwa nistgħu mmorru lil hinn mill-mira li hemm fl-abbozz tal-istrateġija nazzjonali dwar l-iżvilupp sostenibbli li  b’mod inspjegabbli tillimata is-sehem tal-enerġija rinovabbli għall-11.5 fil-mija tal-enerġija li nużaw. Għandna bżonn li jkollna miri ferm iktar ambizzjużi minn hekk!  Mira ta’ 50 fil-mija għall-enerġja rinovabbli fuq perjodu ta’ għaxar snin tkun ferm iktar addattata għal dak li neħtieġu bħala pajjiż. Bla miri ambizzjużi ftit hemm ċans li nilħqu l-mira ta’ newtralità fl-emissjonijiet tal-karbonju sal-2050.

Meta jimmaterjalizza l-pipeline tal-gass li jkun jista’ jintuża ukoll biex nużw l-idroġenu, dan, waħdu ma jkunx biżżejjed biex nilħqu l-miri meħtieġa fit-triq għan-newtralita karbonika.

Il-Gvernijiet Maltin, fil-passat kienu kuntenti jħabbru li rnexxielhom jinnegozjaw tnaqqis fil-mira ta’ Malta dwar il-ġenerazzjoni ta’ enerġija rinovabbli minn 20 għal 10 fil-mija.  Issa irridu “ngawdu” l-piż ta’ din il-politika bla viżjoni fit-tul, politika mijopika. Jekk ma nibdlux ir-rotta ma nistgħux nimxu l-quddiem lejn politika realistika li tassigura s-sigurtà tal-provista tal-enerġija tagħna fost oħrajn billi telimina d-dipendenza li għandna fuq l-interconnector bejn Malta u Sqallija, kemm dak li għandna kif ukoll dak ipproġettat.

Towards a much-needed energy security policy

Malta’s energy policy must necessarily ensure that we have a constant supply of electrical energy which, as far as is reasonable, is not dependable on too many variable factors.

On Wednesday morning for the umpteenth time, we had an unplanned power cut across the islands. It was brief as Enemalta’s dedicated labour force restored power in a short time. At the time of writing the cause of the power cut is still unknown.

This follows another power cut, much more widespread, on 10 February, when, we were informed that there were problems with the Malta-Sicily energy interconnector.

During the storm which battered the Maltese islands last week the LNG tanker was temporarily out of action for a number of hours as a safety precaution. During this critical time the electricity normally supplied by the Delimara power station had to be made good for by the interconnector. It is within this context, the interconnector, was, for around two long hours inoperative with a large part of the islands being without electricity, as neither the interconnector nor the Delimara power station were functioning simultaneously. How is that for energy security?

Accidents do happen. This was however no accident! It was the logical consequence of the politics of energy generation in these islands. It is a case of trusting too much the interconnector and being dependent on it. This misplaced trust is so much ingrained in the local political set-up that a second interconnector is planned: this will ensure that we are completely dependent on the interconnectors. Instead of reducing energy dependency government strives to increase it!

Readers would undoubtedly remember the number of times ship anchors have damaged the energy interconnector between Malta and Sicily. It happened off the coast of Sicily when the anchors of the Singaporean flagged tanker Di Matteo caused extensive damage to the interconnector in December 2019 off the Ragusa coast. It also happened just off the Baħar iċ-Ċagħaq coast when the vessel Chem P almost ran aground in March 2022. It dragged its anchor along the seabed causing extensive damage to the interconnector in the process.

The interconnector is clearly accident prone, both in Maltese waters as well as in the Sicilian Channel. Due to the substantial maritime traffic in the region, these accidents will inevitably re-occur.

No one in his right senses would plan the implementation of an energy policy dependent on these factors. But this is just what successive Maltese governments have planned and implemented. Unfortunately, the current state of Malta’s energy policy is the direct result of its mismanagement. The trading of insults across the parliamentary chamber will not solve anything.

Its immaterial whether the interconnector tripped as a result of being overloaded or whether it developed a fault as a result of something else. The net result is that power stoppage is becoming to frequent an occurrence, and this is unacceptable.

The expense incurred in repairs to the interconnector are substantial. This is however insignificant when compared to the damage which is being inflicted on our economy and on the country’s reputation as a result of a myopic energy policy.

We need to get our energy priorities right very quickly. Plans for a second interconnector should be scrapped the soonest. Instead, the current drive to increase the generation of renewable energy should be intensified. Likewise, we should accelerate the reinforcement of our electricity distribution system as this would make it possible to increase the generation of renewable energy from the rooftops of our dwellings. This potential is currently capped as a result of a distribution system which cannot handle the increased electricity load which would be generated as a result of a larger input of renewable energy from our households.

Macro-projects aimed at generating more renewable energy as a result of business investment can co-exist with micro-projects handled by our households. If this is done properly, maybe we can go much further then projected in the draft National Sustainable Development Strategy which mysteriously has us anchored at an “11.5 per cent share of renewable energy in gross final energy consumption”. We need more ambitious targets than that! Achieving a 50 per cent target for renewable energy generation over a ten-year timeframe would be more suitable to our needs and requirements. Without ambitious targets we will never achieve the 2050 carbon neutrality objective.

The projected pipeline which, when it materialises could possibly be used to switch over from LNG to hydrogen will, on its own be insufficient in the march towards carbon neutrality.

Maltese governments have in the past years been happy in announcing successful negotiations in reducing EU renewable energy targets applicable to Malta from 20 to 10 per cent. We are now shouldering the consequences of that myopic policy. It is about time that we change course. Only then can we move steadfastly towards a realistic policy which ensures our energy security, shedding in the process our dependence on the existing and projected interconnectors between Malta and Sicily.

published on The Malta Independent on Sunday: 19 February 2023

Miljun euro kuljum f’sussidji

Is-susidji li qed jitħallsu mill-kaxxa ta’ Malta għall-petrol, dijżil u elettriku huma sostanzjali. Sa nofs Lulju anke d-dijżil użat minn inġenji kbar tal-baħar kien issussidjat! Permezz ta’ avviż legali, effettiv mid-29 ta’ Lulju il-Ministeru tal-Finanzi waqqaf dan is-sussidju, u għamel tajjeb.

Din il-bidla, bl-eliminazzjoni tas-sussidju tad-dijsil u petrol għal inġenji kbar tal-baħar kienet pass tajjeb il-quddiem biex ma jibqgħux jintużaw fondi pubbliċi fuq sussidji li la kienu meħtieġa u l-anqas ma kienu ġustifikabbli.

Is-sussidji li presentement huma użati għall-petrol, dijżil u l-elettriku jeċċedu l-miljun ewro kuljum. Fil-fatt huma qrib il-miljun u nofs euro (€1,500,000) kuljum.

Il-Prim Ministru, Robert Abela, f’dawn il-ġranet qal li mhux faċli li tillimita s-sussidji biex l-għajnuna ma tispiċċax għand min għandu l-mezzi, inkelli għand min jaħli. Naqblu perfettament li qatt mhu faċli tieħu dawn id-deċiżjonijiet. Speċjalment meta jkun meħtieġ li taqta’ l-benefiċċji lil min m’għandux ħtieġa għalihom!

Hu possibli li nikkunsidraw bis-serjetà t-tnaqqis tas-sussidji għall-petrol, dijżil u elettriku biex ikunu jistgħu jintużaw biss minn min jeħtieġhom. Dan it-tnaqqis jassigura li jkun hemm ferm iktar fondi għal dawk li verament għandhom bżonn. Miżura bħal din tnaqqas il-ħtieġa li tkun indirizzata l-ispiża għall-edukazzjoni jew għal xi qasam jew proġett ta’ utilità biex tagħmel tajjeb għas-sussidji.

It-tnaqqis fl-ispiża għall-edukazzjoni universitarja, kif qed jippjana li jagħmel il-Gvern bi tnaqqis fil-fondi għall-Università hu kastig indirizzat lejn il-ġenerazzjonijiet futuri.  Il-ġenerazzjonijiet futuri huma diġa mgħobbija bid-dejn pubbliku akkumulat, b’riżorsi naturali li kważi spiċċaw u b’wirt nazzjonali li qiegħed kontinwament taħt assedju. M’għandniex nagħmlu l-affarijiet agħar milli diġa huma!

Is-sussidji eżistenti jistgħu jonqsu iktar.

Is-sussidji fuq il-petrol u d-dijżil jistgħu jonqsu sakemm gradwalment jinġiebu fix-xejn.  Dan iwassal għal benefiċċju addizzjonali, ta’ inqas karozzi fit-toroq, u dan billi żieda fil-prezz tal-petrol u d-dijżil inevitabilment jikkawża ċaqlieqa lejn użu ikbar tat-transport pubbliku. Irridu fuq kollox niftakru li numru sostanzjali tal-vjaġġi li nagħmlu bil-karozzi privati huma għal distanzi qosra. Dan ġie emfasizzat ukoll mill-iStrateġija Nazzjonali tat-Trasport li tgħid li 50 fil-mija tal-vjaġġi bil-karozzi privati fil-gżejjer Maltin huma għal distanzi qosra li jieħdu inqas minn ħmistax-il minuta.

F’dawn iċ-ċirkustanzi, t-trasport pubbliku jista’ joffri alternattiva raġjonevoli. Iktar u iktar issa li minn Ottubru ser ikun bla ħlas! Jeħtieġ imma li jkun effiċjenti, jżomm il-ħin, dejjem, u jilħaq l-ikbar numru possibli ta’ lokalitajiet f’kull ħin. Dan għandu jinkludi servizz ridott imma effiċjenti matul il-lejl.

F’dawn iċ-ċirkustanzi, it-tnaqqis tas-sussidju fuq il-petrol u id-dijżil hi l-aħjar għażla li tista’ issir.

Imbagħad ikun jinħtieġ li jkunu indirizzati b’mod dirett l-impatti ta’ dawk is-setturi ekonomiċi dipendenti fuq il-petrol u d-dijżil. Dawn jeħtieġu għajnuna diretta u iffokata li tindirizza l-impatti ta’ din id-dipendenza.

Konsiderazzjonijiet simili għandhom japplikaw għas-sussidji li preżentement japplikaw għall-konsum tal-elettriku.

Il-konsum domestiku bażiku tal-elettriku għandu jibqa’ jkun issussidjat. Imma lil hinn minn dan il-konsum bażiku, anke hawn hu ġustifikat li tkun ikkunsidrata għajnuna iffukata u mfassla għas-setturi ekonomiċi differenti. Dan jagħmel ferm iktar sens milli jkun issussidjat il-konsum kollu bla limitu.

Għandha tibqa’ prijorità l-għajnuna li twassal għall-ġenerazzjoni u użu ikbar ta’ enerġija rinovabbli.  Hemm ħtieġa ta’ sforz ikbar biex tkun iġġenerata enerġija solari permezz ta’ użu iktar effiċjenti tal-bjut tal-bini pubbliku kif ukoll, fejn dan hu possibli, tal-ispazji miftuħa. Flimkien ma investiment ikbar fit-titjib meħtieġ fis-sistema tad-distribuzzjoni tal-elettriku dan jista’ jnaqqas l-impatt ta’ din il-kriżi enerġetika fuq il-pajjiż b’mod sostanzjali.

Li ngħinu li dawk li għandhom ħtieġa, tibqa’ prijorità. Imma l-għajnuna li tingħata għandha tkun waħda li tkun sostenibbli. In-nefqa ta’ miljun euro kuljum fuq sussidji (probabbilment ferm iktar) definittivament mhux sostenibbli.

Il-futur niffaċċjawh b’serenità permezz ta’ viżjoni sostenibbli. Dan jaqbel u hu fl-interess ta’ kulħadd. Kemm fl-interess tal-ġenerazzjonijiet preżenti kif ukoll fl-interess tal-ġenerazzjonijiet futuri. L-għażliet li għandna quddiemna mhumiex faċli. Hu biss jekk nagħrfu nidentifikaw il-prijoritajiet tagħna bil-għaqal li nistgħu nkunu f’posizzjoni li nħejju futur sostenibbli.

ippubblikat fuq Illum: 18 ta’ Settembru 2022

One Million euro every day

The subsidies being currently forked out by the public exchequer relative to the current price of fuel and electricity are substantial. Until mid-July subsidised fuel was also available for use by large seacraft. Through a legal notice effective on the 29 July the Finance Ministry tweaked the subsidy rules to stop this. This was a correct step to take.

This tweaking of fuel subsidy rules was a good step in diverting subsidies from being mis-used for non-essential purposes.  The subsidies currently applied to fuel and electricity exceed the sum of one million euro per day. In fact, they are getting closer to one and a half million euro (€1,500,000) per day.

Prime Minister Robert Abela is on record as stating that it is not easy to limit subsidies from being used by the wealthy and the wasteful. I agree that decision-taking is never easy. Especially when limiting access to benefits such that those who are not in need and the wasteful do not end up being subsidised by the state!

It is however possible to seriously consider limiting the fuel and electricity subsidies to be used only by those who need them. Such a limitation would ensure that more funds are available for those who really need them. It would reduce the need to curtail expenditure on education or other useful areas/projects to make good for the subsidies.

Reducing expenditure on university education, as government is planning to do through a reduction in its operational budget, penalises future generations. Future generations are already burdened with the accumulated national debt, with the depletion of natural resources and with the continuous ruining of our national heritage. We should not make matters worse than they already are.

Existing subsidies could be further tweaked.

Subsidies on petrol and diesel could be reduced until they are completely eliminated. This would have the additional benefit of less cars on the road as increased petrol/diesel prices would inevitably shift more of us to make more use of public transport. We should remember that a substantial amount of private car use can be avoided as it is for short distances. This has been clearly emphasised in the National Transport Master Plan which states that 50 per cent of car trips in the Maltese Islands are for short distances of less than fifteen minutes duration. Public Transport can offer the reasonable alternative in these circumstances, in particular being free of charge as from next month! It must however improve its reliability as well as its efficiency. It should also aim to reach as many localities as possible, including through an efficient night service.

In these circumstances reducing gradually and eventually removing subsidies on petrol/diesel could be the way forward.

The issue remains as to those economic areas which are dependent on petrol/diesel. In these cases, government should identify suitable focused aid which addresses the specific needs of the economic areas under consideration.

Similar considerations should apply to subsidies currently applicable to electricity.

Basic domestic use of electricity should remain subsidised. Beyond that, however, it would make sense to focus the required aid to industry and business in a focused manner, in tailor-made fashion. This would make much more sense than a blanket policy of subsidies across the board.

Increased emphasis on assistance to generate and make use of renewal energy should continue to be a priority. An increased effort must be made to generate more renewable energy through an efficient use of the roofs of public buildings as well as, wherever possible, adequate use of public open spaces. Coupled with an increased expenditure on improvements to the electricity distribution system this could reduce the impacts of this energy crisis on the Maltese taxpayer in a substantial manner.

Helping those in need is a priority. In should however be done in a sustainable manner! Spending more than one million euro per day on these subsidies is definitely not sustainable.

A sustainable vision is the way forward. It is in the interest of all. This is in the interest of both the present as well as future generations. The choices we need to make are tough. It is only if we get our priorities right that we can plot the way for a sustainable future.

published on The Malta Independent on Sunday: 18 September 2022

We need a Carbon Budget

Searching for the word “climate” through the 2021 Pre-Budget document published earlier this week entitled Towards a Sustainable Economy one finds the word three times: twice referring to the United Nations Agenda which has to be addressed by Malta as a prospective UN Security Council member, while a third reference is to policy documents under preparation in Malta. The word climate in the pre-budget document is not associated with any climate change policy implementation or action and its impact on the Maltese economy.

It is already five years since the Paris Climate Summit and its conclusions are still being “studied” in Malta. If we keep on procrastinating, achieving carbon neutrality by 2050 will be very difficult to attain.

When Parliament approved the Climate Action Act in 2015 it identified that one of the tools to be used in the politics of climate change was the formulation of a Low Carbon Development Strategy. Consultation on a Vision to develop such a strategy was carried out in 2017, but three years down the line the final policy document is nowhere in sight, even though the Minister for Climate Change Aaron Farrugia has indicated that it may be concluded towards the end of this year. 

A Low Carbon Development Strategy will identify those sectors which are of considerable relevance in developing a low carbon strategy. Some of them are major carbon emission contributors to be addressed. Other sectors are part of the solution as they provide alternative tools which serve to decouple the economy from intensive energy use, in the process reducing carbon emissions.

The Vision which was subject to public consultation three years ago identifies a number of sectors as areas for climate action, namely: enterprise, energy, transport, waste, water, agriculture, tourism, information and communication technologies (ICT) and finance.

The Low Carbon Development Strategy, when published, should address these areas of action. It would also be expected that such a strategy would also identify the manner in which we will be in a position to achieve our target of carbon neutrality. Such a strategy would also, for completeness be expected to be coupled with a carbon budget which would break down the general target into specific manageable objectives which could be achieved over a specific and reasonable timeframe.

At the Paris Climate Summit, together with all other countries, Malta made pledges to take action in order to lay the foundations for reducing climate impacts. If all the pledges made at Paris are honoured, however, we will still be very far off from achieving the target of not exceeding a two-degree Celsius temperature rise. Much more is required.

Unfortunately, Malta’s climate related policies are double faced. On one hand the Malta government publicly pledges action to address climate change. Simultaneously, however, it proceeds with massive road infrastructural projects which encourage more cars on our roads. On the other hand, plans for the electrification of our roads are apparently subject to an elephantine gestation period. In the meantime, car emissions compete with power generation emissions as Malta’s major contributor to climate change.

It is unfortunate that the Low Carbon Development Strategy and the associated Carbon Budget are taking too long to be formulated. It will take much longer to implement them as special interest groups will undoubtedly seek to protect their specific areas to the detriment of attaining our carbon-neutral objective.  

Malta should be at the forefront of climate change action. Parliament’s declaration recognising the existence of a climate emergency is not enough. Words must give way to action. As an island, Malta should be aware that a primary climate change challenge in the years to come will be a rising sea level as a result of which the coastline may recede inwards at a rate so far unknown. The coast, we may remember, is home to most of our maritime and tourism infrastructural facilities, all of which are under threat. Even residential areas close to the sea level will be impacted. This would include all sandy beaches and the residential/commercial areas at l-Għadira, Xemxija, Salini, Gzira, Msida, Sliema, Ta’ Xbiex, Pietà, Marsa, Marsaxlokk, Marsaskala, Birzebbuga, Xlendi, and Marsalforn. Impacts could also move towards inland low-lying areas such as Qormi.

If we take too long to bring our own house in order, it may be too late.

published in The Malta Independent on Sunday : 13 September 2020