Lock Them Up

This has been one of those weeks which former UK Labour leader Harold Wilson had in mind when he emphasised that a week is a long time in politics.

Two specific actions stick out. The first is the determination of PN Leader Adrian Delia to splinter the party, which he still leads, into insignificance. The second being the National Audit Office (NAO) report on the concession awarded to Vitals Global Healthcare (VGH) by the Maltese Government. The NAO report concluded that there was collusive behaviour between government and Vitals Global Healthcare.

Both the Labour Party in government as well as the Nationalist Party in Opposition are in a state of a disorganised mess, which, as rightly pointed out by the Malta Employers Association mid-week, could easily lead to a political and institutional meltdown. The Labour Government has been in cahoots with those seeking to make a quick buck at the expense of the public purse for the past seven years. The absence of a Parliamentary Opposition worthy of the name has made it easier not just to avoid accountability but also to come back for more.

Konrad Mizzi and Joseph Muscat together with their accomplices should have been behind bars long ago: the former for directing the plundering of the public purse, the latter (at least) for protecting him. They have given rise to a Mafia state. Those who ought to govern plunder openly thereby transmitting the clear message that “crime pays”.

The recent contest for the Labour leadership was lost by those campaigning under the unofficial slogan “lock them up”. The continuity campaign won as it was the safest bet ensuring “more of the same”, or at least, the possible protection of what has been plundered.

The NAO investigation and the resulting report on the award of the contracts to Vitals Global Healthcare (VGH) was requested by the trade union Union Ħaddiema Magħqudin (UĦM). The report is entitled “An audit of matters relating to the concession awarded to Vitals Global Healthcare by Government. Part 1: A review of the tender process.” The fact that this is just Part 1 indicates that there is much more waiting to be known.

The 219 page NAO report is quite detailed. The basic point raised is that even before it issued its “Request for Proposals” government had already agreed with Vitals Global Healthcare through a secret agreement which, for obvious reasons, it did not make available to the NAO. NAO however identified that VGH, in reply to the “Request for Proposals”, submitted a letter from the Bank of India as proof of access to finance for the “Malta Healthcare Project” which letter was dated fourteen days before the Request for Proposals was issued by the Maltese Government. The existence of this document led the NAO to conclude that this was definite evidence “of the VGH’s prior knowledge of the planned project and proof of collusion with Government, or its representatives.”

This is the most damning condemnation possible of the Government procurement process and the circumventing of the normal procurement process under the direction of the Director of Contracts: the political responsibility of Finance Minister Edward Scicluna.

Most fingers are pointing towards Konrad Mizzi, now conveniently dismissed from the Labour Parliamentary Group, and his protector Joseph Muscat. Edward Scicluna too, however, must shoulder political responsibility for acts of omission.

It was only as recent as Friday 26 June 2020 that Edward Scicluna, when receiving the 2019 Annual report of the Public Contracts Review Board (PCRB), emphasised the need for all government Ministries to nurture finance professionals to take adequate care of public expenditure. He had then emphasised that “the country is committed to the highest standards”.

The NAO in its VGH report has certified the real standards of the public procurement process under Edward Scicluna’s watch!

Prime Minister Robert Abela had the cheek to state that the NAO report is proof of the functioning of our institutions. Rather, I think the basic conclusion to be reached from the NAO VGH report is that Abela’s predecessor has successfully transformed the Labour Party into a modern version of Ali Baba and the forty thieves. The fact that Robert Abela is the “successful” continuity candidate speaks volumes.

published on the Malta Independent on Sunday : 12 July 2020

The Parliamentary Opposition

The fact that government has been forced by the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe to loosen its stranglehold on the Commissioner of Police appointment process is a positive democratic development. It is not as good as it could be, but it is definitely a welcome first step: there is however room for substantial improvement in the process.

In this context the Opposition’s decision to boycott the public hearing process is retrograde.

The Parliamentary Opposition, in any democratic jurisdiction worthy of being so described, is the champion of transparency and accountability. A Parliamentary Opposition demands more opportunities to scrutinise major appointments to public office. Boycotting the first substantial opportunity to scrutinise an appointee to the post of Commissioner of Police is not just a lost opportunity. It risks undermining the democratic requests for more public scrutiny of top appointments to public office.

The PN Parliamentary Opposition is arguing that the existence of the possibility for government to terminate the appointment of the new Police Commissioner within a one-year probationary period is unacceptable as it would keep the new appointee on a leash. The justified preoccupation of the Opposition is that the probationary period could be abused of. This is not unheard of. There is however a solution in seeking to subject the possible dismissal of the Police Commissioner at any stage to a Parliamentary decision as a result of which the Minister for the Interior would be required to set out the case for dismissal and the Police Commissioner himself would be afforded the right to defend himself. This would place any government in an awkward position as it would not seek dismissal unless there is a very valid justification for such a course of action. This would ensure, more than anything else, the integrity of the office of Commissioner of Police.

The Opposition has also sought to subject the appointment of the Commissioner of Police to a two-thirds parliamentary approval, indirectly seeking a veto on the appointment to be considered.

It would have been much better if the debate focused on the real decision taker in the whole matter: that is to say the Public Service Commission (PSC). Originally set up in the 1959 Constitution, the PSC has a role of advising the Prime Minister on appointments to public office and on the removal or disciplinary control of appointees to public office. Section 109 of the Constitution emphasises that when the PSC is appointed by the President of the Republic, he acts on the advice of the Prime Minister who would have consulted with the Leader of the Opposition.

Wouldn’t it be more appropriate if both the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition are taken out of the equation in such matters? Parliament should seriously consider squeezing them both out of the process not just in the appointment of the PSC but in the case of the appointment of all Constitutional bodies. That is an instant where it would be justifiable in ensuring that all appointments are subject to a two thirds approval threshold in Parliament.

In boycotting the scrutinising process, the Opposition is doing a disservice to the country.

Since 2018 it has been possible for Parliament to scrutinise a number of public sector appointments. Perusal of the proceedings of the Parliamentary Public Appointments Committee indicates the very superficial manner in which consideration of appointments is dealt with. Serious objections raised on the non-suitability of candidates are ignored before the proposed appointment is generally rubber-stamped.

Unfortunately, Parliament is not capable of holding government to account. Having a retrograde Parliamentary Opposition certainly does not help in overturning a rubber-stamping practice!

published on The Malta Independent on Sunday : 14 June 2020

L-assassinju: meta jkollok il-ħbieb fis-suq

Ix-xhieda fil-Qorti ta’ Melvyn Theuma iktar kmieni din il-ġimgħa fil-proċeduri kriminali ta’ Yorgen Fenech, in-negozjant akkużat bħala l-moħħ wara l-assassinazzjoni ta’ Daphne Caruana Galizia, hi tat-tkexkix. Huwa faċli li tinjora din ix-xhieda u twarrabha bħala bla ebda utilità minħabba li hu stess kien involut fil-preparazzjoni neċessarja biex il-qtil taħt investigazzjoni jseħħ. Xi drabi, sfortunatament, l-istat ikollu jaqa’ għal din it-tip ta’ kollaborazzjoni biex jipprova jsolvi delitti ppjanati sewwa. Hu l-unika mod kif kultant id-dinja kriminali tista’ tiġi megħluba.

Isem Chris Cardona, Deputat Mexxej tal-Partit Laburista, reġa tfaċċa f’dawn il-proċeduri kriminali. Diġa kien issemma’ waqt li Yorgen Fenech kien qed ikun interrogat u irċieva ittri fiċ-ċella fid-Depot tal-Pulizija li kienu jissuġġerulu biex jitfa l-ħtija fuq Cardona.

Fid-dinja demokratika mhiex xi ħaġa ta’ kuljum li isem politiku anzjan jissemma’ f’investigazzjoni dwar qtil. Mhux magħruf kemm il-Pulizija investigaw it-truf li kellhom dwar Cardona. Kien ikun raġjonevolI li nagħtu lill-Pulizija l-benefiċċju tad-dubju kieku ma kienx għal punt wieħed importanti: il-ħbiberija mill-viċin bejn l-akkużat Yorgen Fenech ma’ dak li kien id-Deputat Kummissarju tal-Pulizija Silvio Valletta li, fl-iktar mumenti kruċjali kien qed imexxi l-investigazzjoni dwar l-assassinju ta’ Daphne Caruana Galizia.

Il-ħbiberija bejn l-akkużat Yorgen Fenech u Silvio Valletta kienet b’saħħitha tant li quddiem it-tfal kien jirreferi għalih bħala iz-ziju Silvio. Li jivvjaġġaw flimkien biex jaraw logħob taċ-Champions League fi Stamford Bridge, Kiev u bnadi oħra, inkella ikla fir-razzett ta’ Fenech kienu affarijiet normali.

Ix-xhieda ta’ Melvyn Theuma ma tantx poġġiet l-investiġazzjoni f’dawl tajjeb. Il-kamra li l-pulizija jużaw għall-interrogazzjoni qiesha passatur bl-informazzjoni toħroġ permezz ta’ Silvio Valletta inkella permezz tal-uffiċċju tal-Prim Ministru: Joseph Muscat, dakinnhar Prim Ministru jkun aġġornat u b’Keith Schembri ħdejh attent jixrob l-informazzjoni. Ix-xhieda ta’ Theuma indikat li dan wassal biex ċirku limitat barra mill-korp tal-pulizija jkun konxju ta’ numru ta’ dettalji importanti dwar l-investigazzjoni, bħad-data tar-raid fit-tinda tal-patata fejn dawk ikkuntrattati biex iwettqu l-assassinju kienu eventwalment arrestati.

Hemm tlett talbiet oħra għall-proklama. Tħajru minn Melvyn Theuma. It-tlieta ddikjaraw li jistgħu jagħtu biżżejjed informazzjoni li biha jkunu identifikati dawk realment wara l-assassinju. Imma jekk dan iseħħx ħadd ma jista’ jgħid għalissa. Ħaġa waħda biss hi ċara s’issa: li Yorgen Fenech qiegħed jidher għal ħaddieħor. Min hemm warajh? Hemm numru ta’ ismijiet ta’ persuni assoċjati mal-uffiċċju tal-Prim Ministru li ssemmew fi stadji differenti tal-proċeduri kriminali li għaddejjin bħalissa.

Iktar ma qiegħed jgħaddi żmien, iktar qed titħabbel il-kobba!

Il-fatt li Robert Abela, Prim Ministru attwali, kien il-konsulent tal-predeċessur tiegħu ma tantx jagħmilha faċli biex tifhem eżattament x’inhu għaddej. Chris Cardona tneħħa mill-Kabinett imma ma jidhirx li l-Partit Laburista hu b’xi mod ippreokkupat li għandu lid-deputat mexxej kontinwament fl-aħbarijiet għal raġunijiet żbaljati. Iktar ma nisimgħu dwar dan l-assassinju iktar jikkumplikaw ruħhom l-affarijiet. Ma naħsibx li jiċċaraw wisq meta jixhdu iktar persuni fosthom Keith Schembri u Joseph Muscat.

L-impunità li gawdew uħud sal-lum hi dipendenti fuq il-ħbieb proverbjali fis-suq. It-tibdil fit-tmexxija fil-bidu tas-sena setgħet bidlet kollox. Imma jidher li kullma inbidlu huma l-uċuħ: il-bqija kollox baqa’ għaddej. Iż-żmien biss jista’ jwassalna lejn soluzzjoni.

Ippubblikat fuq Illum : Il-Ħadd 7 ta’ Ġunju 2020

The assassination: having friends in the right places

The testimony delivered in Court this week by Melvyn Theuma in the criminal case of Yorgen Fenech, the businessman accused with masterminding the assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia, is numbing. It is very easy to dismiss his testimony as being useless as a result of his participation in the preparation required for executing the crime being investigated. Unfortunately, the state must seek this type of collaboration in order to try and solve carefully planned crime. It is the only way in which the criminal brotherhood can at times be outfoxed.

The name of Chris Cardona, Deputy Leader of the Labour Party, has resurfaced in the criminal proceedings. His name had already made the headlines when Yorgen Fenech was under interrogation, having letters delivered to his police HQ cell suggesting that he pins the blame on Cardona.

In the democratic world It is not an everyday occurrence that a senior politician’s name crops up in a murder investigation. So far, the level of investigation carried out by the police into Cardona, remains unknown. It would be reasonable to give the police the benefit of the doubt, were it not for one very important point: the close friendship of the accused Yorgen Fenech with former Deputy Commissioner of Police Silvio Valletta, who was in charge of leading the investigation into the assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia at its most crucial stages.

The bond of friendship of the accused Yorgen Fenech with Silvio Valletta was so strong that he is known to have referred to him as Uncle Silvio in front of younger members of his family. Travelling to Champion’s League matches at Stamford Bridge, Kiev or elsewhere, and enjoying lunch at Fenech’s ranch was not an out of the normal occurrence.

The testimony of Melvyn Theuma has so far painted a very grim picture of the investigations. The police interrogation room was leaking like a sieve. Theuma’s testimony has indicated that this had resulted in a small circle outside the police HQ being aware of important investigation details, such as the date of the raid at the Marsa potato shed, where those contracted to carry out the assassination were eventually arrested.

There are three pending requests for turning state evidence, joining Melvyn Theuma. All three have declared that they can provide information which could nail those really responsible for contracting the assassination. Whether this can materialise is anybody’s guess. There is however one thing which by now is becoming very clear: Yorgen Fenech may be standing-in for somebody else. Who is it? Various names of persons linked with the Office of the Prime Minister have been mentioned during the different stages of the criminal proceedings currently under way.

The plot thickens by the minute.

The fact that Robert Abela, current Prime Minister, was legal advisor to the former Prime Minister Joseph Muscat, does not make it easier to decipher the links and the at times cryptic messages flying around. Cardona was kicked out of Cabinet but it seems that the Labour Party is not perturbed in having a Deputy Leader who is continuously in the news for the wrong reasons.

The more we hear about the assassination the more confusing it gets. Things may not necessarily get clearer when more witnesses take the stand, possibly including both Keith Schembri and his boss former Prime Minister Joseph Muscat.

The impunity enjoyed to date by some is dependent on having friends in the right place at the right time. The changing of the guard earlier this year could have ended the game. Unfortunately, it seems that nothing has changed. Only time and determination can solve the riddle.

published in The Malta Independent on Sunday : 7 June 2020

Il-President George Vella u l-ittra ta’ riżenja ta’ Joseph Muscat

The Shift News qed jirrappurtaw li talbu r-rilaxx tal-ittra ta’ riżenja li Joseph Muscat, dakinnhar Prim Ministru, għadda lill-President tar-Repubblika. It-talba saret taħt il-Freedom of Information Act.

Il-President tar-Repubblika ċaħad it-talba u spjega għaliex kien qed jagħmel hekk. It-tweġiba tiegħu hi inkwetanti iktar miċ-ċaħda innifisha.

The Shift News qed jgħidu li t-tweġiba li waslet għandhom mingħand il-President tar-Repubblika kienet tgħid li mhux ġustifikat il-pubblikazzjoni tal-ittra ta’ riżenja għax kieku dan kellu jsir il-ħsara li issir tiżboq bil-bosta il-benefiċċju tal-pubblikazzjoni tal-informazzjoni.

Issa jiena naħseb li ħadd, għajr min kitibha u min irċieviha, ma jaf x’fiha l-ittra. Imma t-tweġiba tal-President tar-Repubblika tagħti lil wieħed x’jifhem li l-ittra fiha spjegazzjoni dettaljata dwar x’wassal għar-riżenja li tmur lil hinn minn dak li nafu diġa.

Jiena għandi kull rispett lejn il-President tar-Repubblika imma naħseb li hu żbaljat. Hu fl-interess pubbliku li l-ittra tkun ippubblikata bla dewmien. Mhux kompitu tal-President tar-Repubblika li jiċċensura informazzjoni ta’ importanza politika.

Estradizzjoni għal Konrad Mizzi?

L-istejjer dwar Konrad Mizzi huma bla limitu: sa mill-ewwel mument li daħal fil-Parliament u l-Kabinett. It-twaqqif tat-trust fi New Zealand u r-registrazzjoni ta’ kumpanija fil-Panama komplew jitfgħu ftit dawl fuq kif jaħdem dan il-bniedem.

Bil-pubblikazzjoni tal-Panama Papers għajnejn ħafna tbexxqu u bdew jistaqsu. Id-dubji għad mhumiex imwieġba anzi inħolqu dubji ġodda bi stejjer ġodda.

Hu fatt li Konrad Mizzi mhux Malta. Ilu nieqes minn Marzu u l-anqas Parlament ma mar. Iċ-ċertifikati mediċi f’dawn iċ-ċirkustanzi ftit li xejn jitwemmnu.

Jason Azzopardi qed jagħmel allegazzjonijiet serji ħafna. Qed jgħid li Mizzi hu maħrub għax jibża’ li jkun investigat mill-kummissarju l-ġdid. Din hi possibiltà realistika u tweġiba, fiċ-ċirkustanzi, ftit hemm min jista’ jagħtiha ħlief Konrad Mizzi nnifsu u possibilment Robert Abela.

Meta Konrad Mizzi tneħħa mill-Kabinett għax ġie mġiegħel jirriżenja kien pass tajjeb. Li ma ntagħżilx bħala Ministru minn Robert Abela meta dan għażel il-Kabinett ġdid tiegħu kien pass ieħor il-quddiem. Issa jonqos pass ieħor: li jwieġeb għal għemilu meta, possibilment, flimkien ma oħrajn jkun imsejjaħ jagħmel hekk.

Sakemm jibqa’ maħrub fir-Renju Unit dan mhux possibli li jsir. Ovvjament jekk il-Kummissarju l-ġdid jirriżultalu li hemm il-provi dejjem hemm il-possibilità ta’ talba ta’ estradizzjoni. Mir-Renju Unit s’intendi għax mill-Montenegro ma naħsibx li jkun possibli!

Lejn normal differenti

L-imxija tal-coronavirus għadha fl-istadji bikrija tagħha. In-numri ta’ dawk identifikati bħala infettati, s’issa, s-servizzi tas-saħħa qed ilaħħqu magħhom. Nittamaw li l-affarijiet jibqgħu hekk, anke jekk in-numri inevitabilment ser jiżdiedu. Dan ser ikun jiddependi fuq diversi fatturi, ewlieni fosthom li lkoll kemm aħna qed nosservaw dak li jgħidulna l-awtoritajiet tas-saħħa biex b’hekk tonqos il-possibilità li l-virus ikun trasmess fuq skala kbira.

Bla dubju, l-mistoqsija fuq fomm kulħadd hi: kemm ser jgħaddi żmien biex il-pajjiż jirkupra minn dan kollu?

F’waħda mill-intervisti li tiegħu, l-Prim Ministru Robert Abela indika li l-kriżi tal-coronavirus tista’ twassal sal-bidu tas-sajf. Jista’ jkun, iżda, li din iddum ferm iktar: possibilment anke sa tnax-il xahar ieħor! Il-medja internazzjonali qed tispekula dwar jekk il-firxa tal-coronavirus tonqosx fis-sajf biex imbagħad tirritorna iktar tard bħall-influwenza “normali” li tkun magħna kull sena. Il-possibilità tat-tieni mewġa tal-coronavirus m’għandiex tkun injorata, għax, jekk dan iseħħ jista’ jkollha impatti konsiderevoli fuq dak li jkun baqa’!

Meta ser niġu lura għan-normal? Il-ħajja f’Malta ser tirritorna għal dak li mdorrijin bih jew ser nieħdu l-opportunità biex nibnu normal ġdid u differenti?

Il-pajjiż jeħtieġlu ż-żmien biex jerġa’ jiġi fuq saqajh, ħafna iktar minn kemm hu meħtieġ biex ikun eliminat il-coronavirus minn fostna. Iż-żmien ta’ stennija nistgħu nagħmlu użu tajjeb minnu billi nibdew nippjanaw bis-serjetà dwar kif ser nibnu mill-ġdid ir-reputazzjoni tal-pajjiż. Huwa iktar diffiċli li nibnu r-reputazzjoni tal-pajjiż milli nsewwu l-ħsara kkawżata mill-firxa tal-coronavirus.

Reċentement ġew ippubblikati żewġ dokumenti bi proposti li jistgħu jkunu ta’ għajnuna kbira f’din il-ħidma li hi tant meħtieġa. L-ewwel dokument ippubblikat huwa dokument konsultattiv li ippubblika xi ġimgħat ilu l-Kummissarju għall-iStandards fil-Ħajja Pubblika. Dan hu intitolat: Towards the Regulation of Lobbying in Malta. It-tieni dokument huwa intitolat Review of the Ethical Framework guiding public employees u kien pubblikat mill-Uffiċċju Nazzjonali tal-Verifika iktar kmieni din il-ġimgħa. Hi ħasra li, safejn naf jiena, ma teżisti l-ebda verżjoni bil-Malti ta’ dawn id-dokumenti. Dan ukoll hu nuqqas amministrattiv li għandu jkun rimedjat. Il-Malti hu lsienna u proposti ta’ din ix-xorta jeħtieġ li jkunu ppubblikati bil-Malti ukoll.

Fid-dokument konsultattiv tiegħu l-Kummissarju għall-iStandards fil-Ħajja Pubblika jargumenta favur it-trasparenza permezz tar-regolamentazzjoni tal-lobbying, materja li s’issa hi nieqsa mill-liġijiet tagħna. Hu biss permezz ta’ transparenza rigoruża tal-proċess politiku li nistgħu nassiguraw il-kontabilità u allura l-iskrutinju pubbliku tal-formazzjoni ta’ proposti politiċi kif ukoll tal-proċess tat-teħid ta’ deċiżjonijiet. Ilkoll konxji li sakemm il-lobbying ma’ jkunx regolat, dan ser jibqa’ sors ewlieni tal-kontaminazzjoni tal-proċess politiku. Meta nirregolaw il-lobbying, min-naħa l-oħra, nistgħu jkollna proċess politiku infurmat u allura nkunu qed nikkontribwixxu b’mod effettiv għall-kontabilità.

Fit-tieni dokument, l-Awditur Ġenerali jeżamina r-regoli dwar l-imġieba etika li huma mifruxa fl-Att dwar l- Amministrazzjoni Publika, fil-Kodiċi tal-Etika u fil-Kodiċi dwar it-Tmexxija tas-Servizz Pubbliku li flimkien jirregolaw il-mod kif jopera is-servizz pubbliku. L-Awditur Ġenerali ġustament josserva, illi, meta tqis il-kontenut ta’ dawn it-tlett dokumenti flimkien jirriżulta li hemm nuqqas ta’ ċarezza, liema nuqqas joħloq l-inċertezza, u b’hekk tkun imnaqqsa l-effettività tagħhom. Huwa jemfasizza illi r-regoli huma ultimament effettivi skond kemm huma kapaċi jwasslu għal azzjoni konkreta. Jiġifieri r-regoli għandu jkollhom il-kapaċita li jittraduċu l-prinċipji f’azzjoni reali.

Permezz tal-proposti tagħhom il-Kummissarju għall-iStandards fil-Ħajja Pubblika u l-Awditur Ġenerali qed iwasslu messaġġ għat-tisħieħ tal-pedamenti tal-amministrazzjoni pubblika. Bħala riżultat ta’ dan, jista’ jkun possibli li nibnu “normal ġdid” u differenti minn dak li drajna bih sal-lum. Normal fejn il-governanza tajba ma tkunx iktar eċċezzjoni imma tkun l-imġieba normali li nistennew mingħand dawk fil-ħajja pubblika u fl-amministrazzjoni pubblika għas-servizz tal-pajjiż.

Il-waqfien tal-pajjiż ħtija tal-mixja tal-coronavirus hi ukoll opportunità għal riflessjoni tant meħtieġa. Huwa l-waqt li l-paroli kollu dwar governanza tajba nittrasformawh f’azzjoni konkreta. Il-pajjiż għandu bżonn ta’ normal ġdid, ta’ normal differenti minn dak imdorrijin bih.


Ippubblikat fuq Illum : Il-Ħadd 5 t’April 2020

Wara l-ftuħ tal-istaġun tal-kaċċa …………..


Il-Gvern ta’ Robert Abela hu irresponsabbli li fetaħ l-istaġun tal-kaċċa.

B’dan il-pass qed tkun mhedda l-kredibilità tal-miżuri tajba kollha li ttieħdu s’issa biex ikun evitat it-tixrid tal-coronavirus. Il-Pulizija li ser ikollhom jagħmlu r-ronda kontra l-abbuzi tal-kaċċaturi (madwar 40 pulizija) ser jittieħdu minn fuq xogħol ieħor li hu essenzjali, ewlieni fosthom dak li jkunu sorveljati dawk li qegħdin kwarantina.

Mela kulħadd ingħata l-parir biex nibqgħu ġewwa, sakemm ma jkunx hemm il-bżonn li noħorġu. Allura dan mhux qżież li qed jinfetaħ l-istaġun tal-kaċċa fir-rebbiegħa f’dan il-mument partikolari?

Kif issa nippretendu li l-bqija jsegwu d-direttivi tad-Dipartment tas-Saħħa u jibqgħu ġewwa?

Mbagħad, wara kollox, jekk ma jkun ġara xejn li joħorġu l-kaċċaturi fil-kampanja x’iżommna jekk noħorgu aħna, l-bqija, dawk li ma naqblux mal-kaċċa fir-rebbiegħa? Xi jżommna milli noħorġu tlieta tlieta bid-distanza ta’ żewġ metri l-bogħod minn xulxin biex nammiraw is-sbuħija tal-kampanja? Inkunu qed insegwu id-direttivi tad-Dipartiment tas-Saħħa. Mhux hekk?

Hekk donnu jrid Robert Abela.

Towards a new normal

The Coronavirus outbreak is still in its initial stages. The numbers of those testing positive are, so far, manageable. We all hope that this will remain manageable even though the numbers are on the increase. This is however dependent on many factors, primarily on our observing the instructions issued by the health authorities in order to reduce the possibilities of transmission of the virus.

How long will it take for the country to recover?

In one of his interviews Prime Minister Robert Abela has indicated that the current Coronavirus crises may last till the beginning of summer. Recovery, could, however, last longer, even as much as twelve months. The international media is speculating on whether the Coronavirus outbreak will reduce its spread during the summer months as well as whether it will return later in the year just like the “common” flu. The possibility of a second outbreak is not to be overlooked, as if this were to happen, it could have a devastating effect on what’s left.

When will life get back to normal? Will life in Malta be back to what we were used to or will we avail ourselves of the opportunity to seek a new normal?

It will take time for the country to start functioning again, much more than is required to eliminate the Coronavirus from our midst. We can put to good use the available time on our hands to start planning in earnest the rebuilding of our reputation as a country. Reconstructing our reputation is more difficult to achieve successfully than making good the extensive damage caused by the Coronavirus outbreak.

In this respect, lately, two different sets of proposals have been published for our consideration. The first is the document for public consultation published by the Commissioner for Standards in Public Life some weeks ago, entitled: Towards the Regulation of Lobbying in Malta. The second is the Review of the Ethical Framework guiding public employees published this week by the National Audit Office. As far as I am aware no Maltese version of these documents has been published. This is a recurring administrative deficiency which should be remedied at the earliest. Maltese is our national language and proposals of this fundamental nature should be available for consideration in the Maltese language too.

In his consultation paper, the Commissioner for Standards in Public Life argues in favour of transparency through the regulation of lobbying which matter is still missing from our laws. It is only through rigorous transparency of the political process that we can ensure accountability and consequently public scrutiny of the policy formation and decision-taking process. We are all aware that as long as lobbying is unregulated it will remain a primary source of the toxification of the political process. Regulated lobbying, on the other hand, can inform the political process thereby contributing to more effective accountability.

In his review, the Auditor General examines existing ethical rules spread in the Public Administration Act, the Code of Ethics and the Public Service Management Code which together regulate the operation of the civil service. He observes that at times, when one considers these three instruments together, there is a lack of clarity which creates uncertainty, as a result reducing their effectiveness. He emphasises that ultimately effectiveness of the rules is also dependent on follow-up action and an enforcement which is capable of translating principles into tangible action.

Through their proposals the Commissioner for Standards in Public Life and the Auditor General seek to strengthen the foundations of public administration. As a result, it may be possible to construct a new normal where good governance is no longer an exception but the normal behaviour which we expect from people in public office as well as from the public administration serving the country.

The Coronavirus outbreak is thus also an opportunity for a long overdue reflection. The grinding to a halt of the whole country is also the right moment to substitute lip-service to good governance with some concrete action. The country desperately needs a new normal.


Published in The Malta Independent on Sunday 5 April 2020

Messaġġi differenti bejn il-Ħamis u l-Ġimgħa

Bejn dak li ntqal fil-konferenza stampa ta’ Chris Fearne il-Ħamis waranofsinnhar u dak li ntqal fl-intervista l-Ġimgħa fil-għaxija minn Robert Abela hemm differenza. Din ma kienitx differenza żgħira u qed tħawwad lin-nies.

Chris Fearne, Ministru tas-Saħħa, qal, u fisser f’ċertu dettall, li madwar 118,000-il persuna kien jeħtieġilhom ma joħorġux mid-dar minħabba li huma vulnerabbli: jiġifieri hu iktar faċli għalihom li jimirdu. Min għax vulnerabbli minħabba l-età u min għax vulnerabbli minħabba l-kundizzjoni ta’ saħħtu minħabba li hu soġġett għal mard kroniku.

Kien imfisser ċar ħafna minn Chris Fearne li biex il-protezzjoni tingħata sewwa kien meħtieġ li anke dawk li joqgħodu fl-istess dar jibqgħu ġewwa huma ukoll. Biex ikun ċar Fearne qal li l-uniku mod biex dan ikun evitat kien li dawk li joqgħodu fl-istess dar issibu x’imkien ieħor fejn joqgħodu b’mod immedjat. Dan biex ikun evitat li min hu dieħel u ħiereġ jeffettwhom ħażin bil-coronavirus. B’hekk tkompli tonqos il-possibiltà tat-tixrid tal-virus.

Issa, sfortunatament, il-Prim Ministru Robert Abela bidel id-diska.

Fl-intervista, waqt l-aħbarijiet tat-tmienja l-bieraħ fil-għaxija, Abela qal li min jaħdem u joqgħod ma persuni ta’ età ikbar minn 65 sena, jista’ jmur għax-xogħol. U li jistgħu joħorġu ukoll biex jixtru. Dan imur kontra dak li qal il-Ministru tas-Saħħa u joħloq il-periklu ta’ infezzjoni għal dawn vulnerabbli.

Id-direttivi, li ghandhom l-iskop illi jnaqqsu l-moviment tan-nies, dejjem ser joħolqu diffikulta. Jekk ser joqgħodu jħawdu n-nies b’messaġġi differenti d-diffikultajiet ser ikunu ħafna ikbar u s-siwi tad-direttivi jonqos drastikament. Ser nispiċċaw li dak kollu li ser jingħad minn issa ‘l quddiem ma hu ser jemmnu jew jagħti kaz tiegħu ħadd, bit-tama li l-għada xi ħadd jgħid xi ħaġa differenti.

Minkejja d-diffikultà li inevitabilment tinħoloq b’kull restrizzjoni li titħabbar, s’issa jidher li t-tixrid tal-virus kien xi ftit jew wisq taħt kontroll. B’din it-taħwida hemm il-periklu li l-affarijiet issa ma jibqgħux hekk.

Għalfejn qed iħawdu in-nies? Sar tant xogħol siewi, jarmuh issa?