Paga minima diċenti

Nhar it-Tnejn, waqt id-diskors tal-buġit konna infurmati biż-żieda statutorja annwali fil-paga minima. Kif nafu ser tkun żieda ta’ €1.75. Bosta ikkummentaw li dan mhux biżżejjed. Hi r-reazzjoni naturali li nisimgħu kważi kull sena.

Meta żieda fil-paga minima, li nirreferu għaliha bħala żieda għall-għoli tal-ħajja, ma tikkorrispondix ma kemm fil-fatt il-ħajja tkun qed togħla jinħolqu bosta problemi għall-persuni u gruppi vulnerabbli.  Meta żieda għall-għoli tal-ħajja ma tkunx adegwata, din tiekol ukoll mill-valur tal-pagi li jkunu għola mill-paga minima. Dan iseħħ minħabba li l-baskett ta’ oġġetti u servizzi li jintużaw biex permezz tagħhom titkejjel żieda fl-għoli tal-ħajja ma jkunx għadu jirrifletti r-realtà dwar il-ħtiġijiet bażiċi tan-nies.

Aħna, bħala partit ilna żmien nitkellmu dwar il-ħtieġa li jkun aġġornat il-kontenut tal-baskett ta’ oġġetti u servizzi li bih titkejjel l-għoli tal-ħajja u tkun determinata l-paga minima. Dan irid ikun aġġornat għaż-żminijiet.  

Il-Caritas f’Malta għamlet diversi studji dwar dan. L-aħħar wieħed li kien ippubblikat f’Diċembru 2020 kien jiffoka fuq tlett kategoriji vulnerabbli bi dħul baxx. Ir-rapport kien intitolat : A Minimum Essential Budget for a Decent Living. Jiena diġa ktibt dwar dan f’dawn il-paġni fi Frar li għadda.  Dwar familja li tikkonsisti f’żewġ adulti u żewġt itfal l-istudju tal-Caritas kien ikkonkluda li bil-prezzijiet tal-2020, bħala minimu, kienu meħtieġa  €14,000 f’sena għal għixien diċenti. Bejn wieħed u ieħor dak hu madwar  €4,000 iktar mill-paga minima attwali. Il-paga minima mhiex paga li tista’ tgħix biha. Min hu bil-paga minima qed jgħix fil-faqar minkejja li jaħdem.  

Qabel ma tħabbar il-buġit iktar kmieni din il-ġimgħa mill-Ministru tal-Finanzi Clyde Caruana, hu parla ħafna dwar proposta li qal li kien qed iħejji biex ikunu ndirizzati l-ħtiġijiet tal-persuni vulnerabbli lil hinn minn dak li tipprovdi l-COLA (Il-mekkaniżmu ta’ aġġustament fil-pagi għall-għoli tal-ħajja).  Imma meta qara l-buġit, minkejja li dam jaqra mhux ħażin, ma qal xejn minn dan. Irid jistudja iktar mal-imsieħba soċjali, qal!

Il-proċess konsultattiv dwar proposta għal direttiva tal-EU dwar paga minima diċenti ilu ftit għaddej. Il-proposta tfittex biex toħloq għodda aċċettabli ħalli bihom tkun tista’ tiġi mkejla kemm għandha tkun il-paga minima f’kull pajjiż individwali tal-EU. Fl-istudju dwar l-impatti ta’ din il-direttiva kien emfasizzat li l-paga minima tkun waħda adegwata meta tkun ġusta fil-konfront tal-pagi ta’ ħaddiema oħrajn u meta tipprovdi għal għixien diċenti.Dan fil-kuntest tal-kundizzjonijiet ekonomiċi tal-pajjiżi individwali.  Il-proposta tal-EU tfisser kif dan jista’ jsir b’għodda statistika.

Malta hi wieħed minn disa’ pajjiżi Ewropej fejn il-paga minima li titħallas skond il-liġi mhiex garanzija kontra r-riskju tal-faqar. Minkejja dan Malta hi wieħed mill-pajjiżi li qed jopponu l-introduzzjoni ta’ direttiva li tindirizza bis-serjetà l-adegwatezza tal-paga minima.

L-istudju tal-Caritas diġa żvela li l-paga minima jonqosha €4,000 fis-sena biex toqrob lejn paga diċenti. Iktar ma ddum ma tittieħed azzjoni din id-differenza iktar ser tikber. Huwa ferm aħjar li tiżdied il-paga kemm hemm bżonn milli jkunu ntrodotti servizzi soċjali addizzjonali biex jagħmlu tajjeb għan-nuqqas.  

Min jaħdem għandu dritt għal paga ġusta: il-paga minima mhiex waħda ġusta. Il-paga minima trid tkun paga li tista’ tgħix biha għax tkun tkopri l-ħtiġijiet bażiċi tal-familja. Għandna bżonn ekonomija sensittiva għall-ħtiġijiet umani.

M’għandniex noqgħodu nistennew soluzzjoni Ewropeja. L-istudju tal-Caritas ilu li wera lil kulħadd ir-realità. Imma  l-Parlament jibqa’ jinjora dan kollu.   Huma biss Membri Parlamentari eletti minn fost dawk ippreżentati minn ADPD li jistgħu jibdew it-triq għal deċizjoni li torbot ħalli l-paga minima tkun waħda li tista’ tgħix biha.

Ippubblikat fuq Illum: il-Ħadd 17 t’ Ottubru 2021

PLPN : parrini tar-rgħiba

Il-pjani lokali huma 7. Il-Pjan Lokali dwar il-Bajja ta’ Marsaxlokk kien approvat fl-1995, madwar sentejn wara li twaqqfet l-Awtorità tal-Ippjanar. Kellhom jgħaddu 7 snin oħra biex ġie approvat pjan lokali ieħor, din id-darba dak għall-Port il-Kbir.  Il-bqija kienu approvati f’daqqa bl-għaġġla fis-sajf tal-2006. Fl-2006 ukoll kien ippubblikat u approvat mill-Parlament dokument ieħor dwar ċaqlieq tal-linja tal-iżvilupp, intitolat “Rationalisation of Development Zone Boundaries”.

Kull wieħed minn dawn it-tmien dokumenti huwa wild il-PN fil-Gvern. Il-konsiderazzjonijiet ambjentali fihom huma nieqsa bil-kbira.

B’mod partikulari, d-dokument li ċaqlaq il-linja tal-żvilupp  ġie approvat mill-Parlament b’għaġġla kbira u bħala riżultat ta’ hekk żewġ miljun metru kwadru ta’ art li kienu barra  miż-żona ta’ żvilupp (ODZ) f’daqqa waħda saru tajbin għall-iżvilupp.

Mill-Opposiżżjoni l-Partit Laburista fil-Parlament ivvota kontra dan iċ-ċaqlieq tal-linja tal-iżvilupp, imma, wara, meta tela’ fil-Gvern ġie jaqa’ u jqum minn dan kollu. Dan minħabba li l-opposizzjoni għall-proposti kienet waħda partiġjana mhux minħabba xi viżjoni alternattiva.

Il-pjani lokali jeħtieġu reviżjoni immedjata. Id-dokument li jistabilixxi kif kellha tiċċaqlaq il-linja tal-iżvilupp għandu jitħassar u safejn hu possibli dik l-art kollha (ż-żewġ miljun metru kwadru) terġa’ issir art ODZ – barra miż-żona tal-iżvilupp.  

Fost it-tibdil meħtieġ hemm tnaqqis ġenerali fl-għoli permissibli tal-bini, liema għoli, f’ħafna każi qed itellef lill-komunità residenzjali mid-dritt ta’ aċċess għax-xemx. Dan qed inaqqas u jostakola l-potenzjal tagħna bħala pajjiż fil-ġenerazzjoni ta’ enerġija rinovabbli. Dan kollu kien injorat mill-pjani lokali.

Hemm bosta materji oħra fl-erba’ rkejjen tal-pajjiż li jeħtieġu li jkunu eżaminati mill-ġdid. Kif spjegajt f’artiklu preċedenti l-pjani lokali ma jagħtux każ tal-impatti kumulattivi tal-iżvilupp li huma stess jipproponu. Din hi materja bażika li teħtieġ attenzjoni kbira għax għandha impatt sostanzjali fuq il-kwalità tal-ħajja tagħna. Sfortunatament il-pjani lokali ftit li xejn jagħtu każ tal-kwalità tal-ħajja. Jiffokaw fuq is-sodisfazzjon tar-rgħiba.

Għandu jkun hemm kumpens jekk art li illum tista’ tkun żviluppata terġa’ lura fl-ODZ bħala art mhiex tajba għall-iżvilupp?

Xi ġimgħat ilu l-Ministru  Aaron Farrugia responsabbli għall-Ippjanar u l-Ambjent kien qal li kellu l-parir favur id-dritt ta’ kumpens. Konvenjentement l-Onorevoli Ministru injora l-fatt li l-Qorti Kostituzzjonali f’Malta kif ukoll il-Qorti Ewropeja dwar id-Drittijiet tal-Bniedem diġa kellhom kaz bħal dan fejn kien hemm talba għal kumpens. Il-Qorti Kostituzzjonali irrifjutat it-talba u l-Qorti fi Strasbourg ma ikkunsidratx t-talba f’deċiżjoni fis- 27 September 2011 li fiha iddiskutiet il-parametri legali applikabbli.

Il-kaz huwa dwar il-kumpanija Maltija Trimeg Limited u jikkonċerna 10,891 metru kwadru ta’ art li kienu fil-limiti tal-iżvilupp fl-1989 kif stabilit mill-iskemi temporanji tal-iżvilupp ta’ dakinnhar. Imma fl-1996 din l-art ġiet skedata għal skop ta’ konservazzjoni f’kuntest tal-protezzjoni tal-widien. Fil-Qrati Maltin il-kumpanija Maltija kienet qalet illi li kieku ħarġu l-permessi ta’ żvilupp l-art kien ikollha valur ta’  €11-il miljun. B’daqqa ta’ pinna imma, dan naqas għal  €230,000. Trimeg Limited kienet xtrat din l-art  €140,000.Il-Qorti Kostituzzjonali f’Malta ma aċċettatx dawn l-argumenti. Il-Qorti fi Strasbourg ma bidlet xejn minn dak li qalet il-Qorti Maltija.

Dan hu kaz wieħed biss. Il-ħsieb ġenerali iżda hu li apprezzament tal-ħarsien ambjentali qed jaqbad art fost in-nies illum li huma iktar sensittivi minn qatt qabel dwar dan.  Ħadd m’għandu jistenna kumpens għat-tibdil li jkun meħtieġ.

Din hi ġlieda kontinwa mar-rgħiba u l-ispekulazzjoni. Nafu li fil-passat, u għal żmien twil, ir-rgħiba kienet minn fuq. Ir-rgħiba fl-ippjanar għall-użu tal-art kellha żewġ parrini: il-PN u l-PL. Fl-Opposizzjoni jopponu u fil-Gvern jirrumblaw minn fuq kulħadd.  

Kemm il-PN kif ukoll il-PL ma jistgħux jindirizzaw din il-mandra fl-ippjanar għall-użu tal-art għax huma parti mill-problema: il-PLPN ħolquha, kabbruha u iddefendewha. Il-PN beda l-froġa u il-Labour sostniha.

Hu meħtieġ li nibdew paġna ġdida.  Il-linja tal-iżvilupp trid titraġġa lura u l-pjani lokali jeħtieġu tibdil mill-qiegħ. Aħna l-Ħodor biss nistgħu nagħmluh dan, għax aħna m’aħna fil-but ta’ ħadd. L-oħrajn, bil-provi wrew tul is-snin li bejn ir-rgħiba u l-kwalità tal-ħajja dejjem isostnu r-rgħiba!

Ippubblikat fuq Illum: il-Ħadd 5 ta’ Settembru 2021

PLPN have continuously sponsored greed

The local plans are 7 in number.  The Marsaxlokk Bay Local Plan was approved in 1995, just two years after the setting up of the Planning Authority. It took another 7 years to approve the next one, the Grand Harbour Local Plan. The rest were approved in one go, in a hurry in the summer of 2006. In 2006 a document entitled “Rationalisation of Development Zone Boundaries” was also published and approved by Parliament.

All eight documents above-mentioned have the PN fingerprints on them. They are certainly not green fingerprints.

The Rationalisation document in particular which was rushed through Parliamentary approval during July 2006 transformed 2 million square metres of land outside the development zone into land which could be considered for development. It shifted the development zone boundaries.

Labour, in Opposition when the rationalisation document was submitted for Parliament’s consideration, voted against its adoption only to embrace it as if it were its own once it was elected into government. Labour’s opposition was not on principle due to some alternative vision. It was pure partisan politics.

The local plans should be revisited the earliest. The rationalisation document should be scrapped and the land it refers to returned to ODZ status wherever this is possible.

Among the revisions considered essential to the local plans is a general reduction in permissible building heights which are interfering with the solar rights of our residential community. This is hampering our potential as a country to generate more renewable energy. This was ignored by the local plans!

There are various other issues spread all over the islands which require revisiting and careful analysis. As explained in a previous article the local plans fail to take into consideration the cumulative impacts of the development which they propose. This is one of the basic matters which should be considered in depth as it has a substantial impact on our quality of life.

Unfortunately, quality of life was considered irrelevant on the local plan drawing board. Only servicing greed was deemed essential.

Would any compensation be due if land currently suitable for development is relegated to ODZ status? Some weeks ago, Planning and Environment Minister Aaron Farrugia emphasised that the advice he received was in favour of compensation. Conveniently the Hon Minister failed to point out that the Constitutional Court in Malta and the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg has already dealt with a Maltese similar case requesting compensation. The Constitutional Court shot down the case and the Strasbourg Court considered it as being inadmissible on 27 September 2011 in a decision which discusses at some length the applicable legal parameters.

The case involved the Maltese Company Trimeg Limited and concerned 10,891 square metres of land which was within the limits of development as defined by the Temporary Provisions Schemes of 1989 but was then, in 1996, scheduled for conservation purposes as part of a valley protection zone.  The Maltese Company had previously claimed in the Maltese Courts that the land would have a value of €11 million if development permits were issued but was reduced in value to €230,000 at the stroke of a pen. The land was originally purchased by Trimeg Limited for €140,000.

The Constitutional Court in Malta had not accepted the arguments brought forward and the Strasbourg Court did not change anything from that judgement.

This is obviously just one case. The general train of thought however is that it is not a legitimate expectation to expect that the law does not change in the future. Environmental protection is hopefully on the increase as today’s men and women are nowadays more sensitive on the matter.

It is obviously a continuous tug-of-war with greed and speculation. The dreadful news of the past is that greed has for quite a stretch of time had the upper hand. Greed in land use planning has been alternatively sponsored by the PN and the PL. They oppose it when in opposition but adopt it once in government.

Neither the PN nor the PL can offer solutions to the current land use planning mess as both of them are part of the problem: PLPN created it, encouraged it and defended it. PN created the mess, PL sustained it.

It is time to start a new page. Scrap the rationalisation exercise and radically reform the local plans. Only we, the Greens, can do it, as we are in nobody’s pocket. The others have proven, time and again that they support greed at the expense of our quality of life.

published in The Malta Independent on Sunday : 5 September 2021

Il-qrubija bejn il-poter politiku u l-poter tan-negozju wasslu biex nawwru l-istituzzjonijiet regolatorji tal-pajjiż : Silta (5) mill-inkjesta

Kondotta inaċċettabbli tal-Prim Ministru

Għall-Bord il-kondotta tal-allura Prim Ministru f’din iċ-ċirkustanza u l-mod abbużiv kif baqa’ jipproteġi liċ-Chief of Staff tiegħu u jsostnih fil-kariga importanti li kellu fl-amministrazzjoni sakemm ġie arrestat in konnessjoni mal-assassinju, hi inaċċettabbli, kundannabbli u tirrażenta nuqqas gravi w abbuż fl-eżerċizzju tal-funzjonijiet tiegħu bħala kap tal-gvern u garanti talgovernanza tajba. Hawn mhux si tratta ta’ ġudizzju politiku żbaljat li jeżorbita mit-termini ta’ referenza ta’ dan il-Bord. Si tratta fl-agħar ipotesi għal Dr Muscat għall-kopertura, protezzjoni ta’ persuni li allegatament ikkommettew reati gravi. Il-Bord baqa’ żbalordit bir-risposta li ta għad-domanda jekk kienx tkellem mas-Sur Fenech u lis-Sur Schembri dwar 17 Black wara l-assassinju meta bdew joħorġu aktar dettalji dwar min kien is-sid ta’ din il-kumpanija. Dan anke in vista tal-fatt li kienet teżisti ħbiberija u linja ta’ kommunikazzjoni diretta bejniethom anke permezz ta’ WhatsApp li baqgħet anke għal xi żmien meta kien persuna ta’ interess fl-omiċidju. Dr. Muscat wieġeb hekk: “Le. IsSur Fenech qatt ma staqsejtu u qatt ma tkellimt miegħu fuq dan il-punt. Lil Keith Schembri li kien jaqa’ taħti, staqsejtu wara li ħareġ dan kollu u reġa’ qal li kienet kwistjoni ta’ negozju bejniethom it-tnejn u qalli li ma għandha x’taqsam xejn mal-Electorgas”.

Is-Sur Schembri fil-verità jibqa’ jsostni hekk ukoll anke sal-lum. Mhux ilkompitu tal-Bord li jesprimi ruħu fuq x’inhi l-verità f’dan ir-rigward. Il-punt kruċjali hu illi meta saret l-akkuża, xhur qabel l-assassinju, l-Prim Ministru m’għamel xejn meta missu għamel ħafna. Kien bħal minimu obbligat jirrapporta l-allegazzjoni formalment lill-Pulizija b’talba li tinvestigaha b’urġenza jekk xejn għax kienet tista thedded l-istabilità tal-governanza fil-pajjiż. Il-Pulizija dak iż-żmien taħt il-Kummissarju Lawrence Cutajar għamlu ftit li xejn. Ċertament m’għamlux dak li kellhom jagħmlu. Ċertament għamel inqas mill-Kummissarju ta’ qablu Michael Cassar li wara li ġew żvelati ddettalji dwar il-Panama Papers u ġie informa li l-FIAU kienu qed jaħdmu fuqha, fetaħ file bl-isem ta’ ‘Operation Green’. Hu kien irriżenja xi tlett ġimgħat wara li kien irċieva r-rapporti dwar is-Sur Keith Schembri u l-Ministru Mizzi. Lill-Bord tah x’jifhem illi ma felaħx għall-pressjoni li akkużi gravi ta’ din ix-xorta ġabet fuqu. L-istess kif kien għamel Manfred Galdes.

Abbuż ta’ poter li jekk pruvat ibiddel ix-xenarju

Dawn ir-referenzi qsar għaċ-ċirkostanzi tal-Panama Papers u l-kumpanija 17 Black qed isiru f’dan l-istadju mill-Bord għaliex huma indikattivi ta’ kif kien jiġi abbużat l-eżerċizzju tal-poter fl-ogħla livell biex jiġu protetti persuni fil-qalba tal-amministrazzjoni. Huma importanti wkoll għaliex jekk wieħed jikkunsidra illi tnejn mill-persuni involuti kienu jew jista’ jkun li għadhom persuni ta’ interess għall-pulizija fl-investigazzjoni tagħhom tal-omiċidju li ġie ippjanat tul iż-żmien u jekk l-involviment tagħhom jiġi b’xi mod konstatat minn awtorità kompetenti – salvi dejjem il-preżunzjoni tal-innoċenza u d-dritt tagħhom għal smigħ xieraq u ġust – il-kwistjoni ma tibqax biss li jiġi determinat jekk xi att jew ommissjoni illeċitu minn jew fi ħdan xi entità talIStat iffaċilitatx l-assassinju meta kellha tipprevenih. Ix-xenarju jinbidel għal wieħed ta’ parteċipazzjoni attiva ta’ persuni li jikkomponi enti tal-IStat filkommissjoni tad-delitt. Dan apparti, fuq bażi fattwali u mhux issa ipotetika, l-inattività pależi tal-Prim Ministru u tal-entitajiet tal-iStat, fosthom il-Pulizija li għandhom il-funzjoni li jħarsu lis-soċjetà mill-kriminalità u jiggarantixxu l-ordni pubbliku, li jieħdu passi effettivi u fil-ħin kontra persuni ta’ poter fil-politika u fin-negozju, tnissel sens qawwi ta’ impunità, mhux biss fl-istess persuni involuti, imma wkoll f’kullmin kien intenzjonat li jaġixxi biex jipparteċipa f’xi aġir kriminuż. Kif jirriżulta mill-provi dawn fittxew li jkollhom konnessjonijiet fl-ogħla livell ta’ ħbiberija jew interess ma’ min kellu s-setgħa biex ikun jistgħu jaġixxu flassigurazzjoni reali jew perċepita li ser ikunu minnhom protetti. Dawn iċ-ċirkostanzi huma relevanti wkoll għaliex huma prova tanġibbli tażżwieġ li seħħ bejn l-eżerċizzju tal-poter politiku u l-eżerċizzju tal-poter ekonomiku. Żwieġ inċestuż li kien fil-qalba tal-investigazzjonijiet talġurnalista assassinata u li ngħad, ma setax ma kienx il-movent prinċipali talqtil tagħha.

Theddida għall-eżerċizzju tal-poter ekonomiku

Il-Bord konvint kif inhu, illi fuq bażi qawwija ta’ probabbilitajiet jekk mhux ċertezza, l-assassinju tas-Sinjura Caruana Galizia hu inevitabblilment marbut ma’ dawk li hi kienet tqis li huma skandli serji ta’ amministrazzjoni ħażina, riżultat tal-qrubija bejn il-poter politiku u l-poter tan-negozju kbir li wasslu biex nawwru sewwa l-istituzzjonijiet regolatorji tal-pajjiż, hi inevitabbli l-konklużjoni illi l-ġurnalista sabet in-nemesi fatali tagħha fil-politika dikjarata tal-gvern sa minn qabel l-elezzjoni tal-2013, illi hu kien determinat li jkun għal kollox business friendly. Politika li kellha l-għan li tiffavorixxi n-negozju, tinkorraġġixxi s-sħubija tal-gvern mal-investiment privat u tirrealizza proġetti kbar li joħolqu l-ġid.

Ladarba ġiet eskluża t-teżi illi l-omiċidju seta’ seħħ minħabba xi att inkonsult ta’ fanatiżmu politiku partiġġjan – f’dan ir-rigward ma rriżultat l-ebda provi quddiem dan il-Bord – il-fatti rilevanti li rriżultaw kemm qabel u kemm wara l-omiċidju għandhom jiġu ikkunsidrati minn din l-ottika. Il-Bord ripetutament afferma li ma kien hemm xejn oġġezzjonabbli li l-gvern ikollu politika li tkun business-friendly, anzi fi kliem iċ-Chief of Staff Keith Schembri gvern b’‘mentalità tal-business’, sakemm l-eżekuzzjoni ta’ dik il-politika u r-relazzjonijiet bejn l-amministrazzjoni pubblika u negozjanti w investituri jinżammu strettament fil-limiti tal-liġijiet u r-regolamenti applikabbli. Hu f’dan illi l-aġir tal-gvern falla. Hu għaliex il-mentalità ta’ negozjant għandha bħala regola l-mira illi timmassimizza l-profitt fin-negozju, bl-inqas burokrazija, u billi taqta’ għad-dritt ħadet is-sopravvent fuq dik li għandha tkun il-mira ta’ kull gvern li joħloq il-ġid fl-interess tal-komunità b’mod ġust u trasparenti skont il-liġijiet tal-pajjiż, illi ngħata lok għal sitwazzjonijiet li tista’ tgħid kull proġett maġġuri inizjat mill-amministrazzjoni spiċċa kellu dellijiet ta’ irregolaritajiet, abbuż ta’ poter u korruzzjoni. Allegazzjonijiet li jimplikaw li negozjanti involuti f’dawn il-proġetti għamlu jew kienu intenzjonati li jagħmlu qligħ indebitu minn fuq dahar il-poplu anki f’xi okkażjonijiet b’kollużjoni ma’ personaġġi politiċi ewlenin involuti fit-twettieq ta’ proġetti. Il-proġett tal-Electrogas hu wieħed minn dawn il-proġetti li dwaru l-Awditur Ġenerali esprima riservi kbar dwar ir-regolarità tal-proċeduri fit-twettieq talproġett u l-ħarsien tal-liġijiet applikabbli.

(pp 201-6)

Ir-Repubblika hi marida

Aħna u nsegwu l-ġbir tal-provi fil-Qrati dwar id-diversi każi li għadhom għaddejjin in konnessjoni mal-assassinju ta’ Daphne Caruana Galizia nistħajjilni qed nara dokumentarju dwar il-falliment tal-istituzzjonijiet f’Malta. Dokumentarju dwar il-falliment tal-istat Malti, dwar ir-Repubblika li għamlet lilha innifisha impotenti fil-konfront tal-kriminalità.  

L-assassinju ta’ Daphne hu ukoll falliment tal-korp tal-Pulizija li ma rnexxilux isib tarf tal-kriminalità organizzata.  

Kif jista’ l-korp tal-Pulizija jagħmel dmiru meta jkollu uffiċjali bħal Silvio Valletta li jkun fil-but tal-kriminali? Silvio Valletta għadu jiġri mas-saqajn: s’issa għad ma ħadux passi kontrieh minkejja l-ħsara enormi li għamel lill-kredibilità tal-korp tal-Pulizija u lill-pajjiż.

Illum nafu kemm Silvio Valletta tħaxken ma  Yorgen Fenech. Valletta ma kienx xi kuntistabbli  f’xi għassa tal-pulizija mwarrba. Prattikament kien imexxi l-Korp tal-Pulizija bħala Deputat Kummissarju. Kien jirrapresenta lill-Korp tal-Pulizja fuq il-Bord ta’ Tmexxija tal-Financial Intelligence Analysis Unit (FIAU).

Il-fatt li wieħed mill-fizzjali tal-pulizija l-iktar anzjani jaġixxi b’dan il-mod jagħti indikazzjoni ċara ta’ kif kienu jaħsbuha sħabu fit-tmexxija tal-korp fil- Furjana. Rapport tal-Ombudsman irrappurtat iktar kmieni dan ix-xahar dwar investigazzjoni mitluba fuq ilment ta’ Supretendent tal-Pulizija fisser kif kienet tinħatar it-tmexxija tal-korp: il-lealtà lejn il-kummissarju qabel il-lejaltà lejn is-servizz, kienet kwalifika essenzjali.  Meta l-għażla tal-fizzjali tal-korp kienet issir b’dan il-mod xejn m’għandna nissorprendu ruħna li l-korp ilu ftit kompromess.

Iz-ziju Silvio kien investiment li jirrendi għal Yorgen Fenech. Għal żmien twil Silvio Valletta kien il-muftieħ li iffaċilita l-aċċess  ta’ Yorgen Fenech għal kull xorta ta’ informazzjoni li kien jeħtieġ.  Dan hu eżempju ċar ta’ x’nifhmu meta ngħidu li d-dinja kriminali qegħda bosta passi qabel il-korp tal-pulizija.   F’dan il-kaz, permezz ta’ Silvio Valletta d-dinja kriminali setgħet tinfluwenza l-korp bir-remote control.

Diffiċli biex nifhmu kif inhu possibli li jkollna kollass iktar gravi tal-istituzzjonijiet minn hekk.

Dan kollu ma ġarax mil-lum għal għada. Imma hu ċentrali biex nifhmu kif żviluppat l-għanqbuta tal-maniġġi tul is-snin liema maniġġi wasslu għall-assassinju ta’  Daphne Caruana Galizia u lil hinn.  

Meta saret emfasi dwar il-kunflitt ta’ interess ta’ Silvio Valletta minħabba li dakinnhar, martu, kienet membru tal-Kabinett, ir-resistenza biex iwarrab kienet enormi. Kella tkun kawża fil-Qrati, li ħadet iż-żmien, li wasslet biex jitwarrab mill-investigazzjoni.  

Issa ġie ippubblikat ir-rapport finali tal-inkjesta pubblika dwar l-assassinju ta’ Daphne. Ir-rapport ma jgħidilniex min qatilha, jew min ordna l-qtil tagħha: dak qatt ma kien l-iskop tar-rapport. Ir-rapport imma jeżamina l-klima ta’ impunità li nħolqot u li wasslet għall-assassinju tagħha.  Ir-rapport juri kif in-negozju u l-politika saru ħaġa waħda, tant li xi kultant mhux iktar faċli biex tgħid min hu min.

Il-konklużjoni ewlenija tar-rapport hija li Malta inħakmet minn mentalità mafjuża. L-istat Malti ntrikeb minn mentalità kulturali li tippermetti mentalità u attitudni mafjuża li jrabbu l-għeruq.

Ftit hemm proposti fir-rapport tal-inkjesta li huma ġodda għad-dibattitu politiku lokali. Bosta mill-proposti ilhom fl-aġenda pubblika numru ta’ snin. Uħud ġew imbiċċra, mdgħajfa inkella gvernijiet differenti għamlu snin sħaħ iparlaw dwarhom u jagħmlu ftit li xejn.   Il-ħarsien ta’ min ikun lest li jikxef il-ħmieġ (whistleblowing) għadu soġġett għall-ispag politiku kif rajna b’għajnejna għal numru ta’ snin. Ir-regolamentazzjoni tal-lobbying hi soġġetta għal ħafna paroli, imma s’issa ma sar xejn. Ir-regolamentazzjoni tal-imġieba etika saret farsa, minkejja l-isforzi ta’ George Hyzler, il-Kummissarju dwar l-iStandards fil-Ħajja Pubblika.

Huwa essenzjali li l-kuntatti kollha bejn kull negozju u l-friegħi kollha tal-istat ikunu ċari u trasparenti. Kollox, mingħajr eċċezzjoni. Ilu jsir paroli dwar dan imma ftit wisq sar dwaru.

L-istat Malti ġie mdgħajjef minn dawk li fittxew li jsiru sinjuri malajr, a kwalunkwe kost. Jiddependi minna jekk inwaqqfuhomx l-iktar kmieni possibli. Ir-Repubblika marida.

Ippubblikat fuq Illum : il-Ħadd 1 t’Awwissu 2021

The Republic is sick

Following the compilation of evidence in our law courts relative to the multiple cases dealing with the assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia is in itself a detailed continuously developing documentary of the failure of our institutions, the failure of the state.

Daphne’s assassination is also a failure of the police corps to keep a tag on criminal activity.

How could the police corps carry out its duties with officers like Silvio Valletta hibernating deep inside criminal pockets? Silvio Valletta has to date not been prosecuted for his criminal activity which has been the cause of considerable reputational damage and to the effectiveness of the police corps.

Today we know of Valletta’s cavorting with Yorgen Fenech. Valletta was not an ordinary simple cop languishing in some out of the way police station. He practically ran the Police Corps as Deputy Commissioner of Police and represented it on the governing board of the Financial Intelligence Analysis Unit (FIAU).

The fact that this top policeman acted in such a manner is a clear indication of the forma mentis of the contemporary top brass at Floriana Police HQ. An Ombudsman report made public earlier this month on the investigation relative to the complaint of a Police Superintendent has dwelt at some length as to how police officials were selected: loyalty to the boss before loyalty to service was a basic requirement. With police officer selection being carried out on the basis of such a “qualification” it is no surprise that that the Police Corps was compromised for such a long time.

Uncle Silvio was the perfect investment for Yorgen Fenech. For a long time, Silvio Valletta was the key that facilitated access to Yorgen Fenech to all sorts of intelligence. A perfect example which illustrates what it means when we emphasise that the criminal world is many steps ahead of the police force.  In this specific case, for quite a time, the criminal world had the police force on a remote control, through Silvio Valletta.

It is difficult to comprehend how we could ever have an institutional failure of larger proportions.

This did not happen overnight. It is however central to the web of intrigue which developed over the years and leading up the assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia and beyond.

When Valletta’s conflict of interest as the then husband of a cabinet minister was spotlighted, the resistance to let got was enormous. It had to be a laborious court case which at the end of the day had him removed from coordinating the assassination investigation.

The final report of the public inquiry into Daphne’s assassination has now been published. It does not identify who signed Daphne’s death warrant: that was not its purpose. It does however examine how a state of impunity has developed over time such that her assassination was the direct consequence. It points out how business and politics became intertwined until you could not tell which was which.

The main takeaway from the inquiry report is that the state has been taken over by a Mafia mentality. The state has been hijacked by a cultural mindset that allows and encourages a Mafia attitude to take root and prosper.

Few of the proposals of the inquiry are new to the political debate. Most have been put forward over the years but they were shot down, diluted or had the breaks applied by different governments. Effective whistleblowing is still subject to political strings as has been evidenced over the years. Lobbying regulation is still talked of but not implemented.  The regulation of ethical behaviour has developed into a farce, notwithstanding the efforts of George Hyzler, the Commissioner for Standards in Public Life.

It is about time that the links between business and all branches of the state are transparent. Everything, without any exception, must be above board. This has been on the books for years, yet continuously ignored.

The Maltese state has been severely weakened by those who sought their fast-track enrichment at all costs. It is up to all of us, to stop them in their tracks. The soonest. The state has failed us. The Republic is sick.

published in The Malta Independent on Sunday: 1 August 2021

Switch għal-lista l-griża

Għada it-Tnejn, fil-Parlament, il-Kumitat Permanenti dwar l-Standards fil-Ħajja Pubblika jibda jeżamina ir-rapport  K/032 dwar il-Membru Parlamentari Laburista Rosianne Cutajar. Ir-rapport jeżamina is-sottomissjonijiet li rċieva l-Kummissarju dwar l-Istandards fil-Ħajja Pubblika George Hyzler dwar in-nuqqas ta’ Cutajar li tiddikjara dħul tagħha hi u timla l-formola dwar id-dikjarazzjoni tal-assi meta kienet għadha Segretarju Parlamentari fil-Ministeru tal-Ġustizzja.

Ir-rapport ta’ 45 paġna tal-Kummissarju Hyzler hu akkumpanjat minn żewġ volumi addizzjonali bix-xhieda li fuqha Dr Hyzler fassal id-deliberazzjonijiet u l-konklużjonijiet tiegħu. Hemm ukoll it-tielet volum li mhux aċċessibli għal skrutinju pubbliku. Dan it-tielet volum fih statements tal-bank tal-membru parlamentari Qormija flimkien mac- chats tagħha fuq Whatsapp ma Yorgen Fenech, is-suspettat moħħ wara l-assassinju ta’ Daphne Caruana Galizia.

Il-Prim Ministru Robert Abela ħa deċiżjoni li bħala riżultat tagħha Rosianne Cutajar hi issa definittivament barra mill-Kabinet, ta’ l-inqas f’dawn l-aħħar xhur tal-leġislatura. Iżda għadha qed tinsisti li mhux ser twarrab minn membru tal-Parlament. Qalet li fi ħsiebha tibqa’, anke jekk il-Partit Laburista, s’issa, għad ma ikkonfermax jekk hux ser tkun kandidata u dan in vista tar-rapport dwar l-iStandards fil-Ħajja Pubblika taħt konsiderazzjoni.

Biex jiddefendi lil Cutajar il-Prim Ministur Abela, b’mod li jevita li jikkommetti ruħu iżżejjed, qal li kulħadd għandu jkun trattat l-istess, mingħajr deskriminazzjoni!

Bla dubju Rosianne Cutajar tħoss li ġiet ittrattata ħażin, kemm kemm mhux b’mod inġust!  Għalfejn din il-pressjoni kollha biex tisparixxi mill-ħajja pubblika meta min ammetta pubblikament li evada t-taxxa spiċċa elett Kap tal-Opposizzjoni? Il-ħajja u l-politika f’Malta xejn m’huma ġusti!   

Bernard Grech u Rosianne Cutajar qegħdin fuq l-istess livell fl-imġieba etika tagħhom, imma s’issa huma trattati b’mod differenti.  

Għalfejn, nistaqsi, l-Opposizzjoni Parlamentari ma tapplikax l-istess kriterji lit-tnejn li huma?  Meta l-Opposizzjoni tinsisti li Rosianne Cutajar għandha terfa’ r-responsabbiltà politika għal għemilha kif imfisser fir-rapport tal-Kummissarju Hyzler qed tagħmel sewwa. Għaliex mela ma tkunx konsistenti u tapplika l-istess kriterji għall-mexxej tagħha li dwaru l-investigazzjoni ilha lesta?

Bħal Rosianne Cutajar, Bernard Grech ħaqqu daqqa ta’ sieq għal barra. Dak hu t-trattament ugwali li jixraqilhom.  Il-presenza tagħhom it-tnejn fil-ħajja pubblika hi kontribut ċar għall-presenza ta’ Malta fil-lista l-griża tal- FATF!

Therese Comodini Cachia u Karol Aquilina kienu preċiżi meta emfasiżżaw li r-rapport ta’ George Hyzler jeħtieġ li jkun approvat bla dewmien jekk irridu nwasslu l-messaġġ li qed naħdmu bis-serjetà biex Malta ma tibqax fuq il-lista l-griża tal-FATF.  Nittama li xi darba jifhmu illi meta jkollok persuna li hi evasur tat-taxxa li jistenna li jkun il-Prim Ministru alternattiv fi ftit taż-żmien ieħor, dan ma tantx hu ta’ għajnuna biex nitbegħdu minn din il-lista l-griża. Għadu possibli anke issa li nkunu konsistenti jekk irridu!

Il-ħtieġa li jkollna mġieba aħjar fil-ħajja pubblika mhiex switch li tixgħelu jew titfiegħ fil-mument li nidħlu fil-ħajja pubblika. Tapplika għal kulħadd, dejjem. Mhux biss waqt li aħna attivi fil-ħajja pubblika imma saħansitra sa minn qabel ma jibda l-involviment tagħna.  

Għal din ir-raġuni ngħarblu n-nomini tal-kandidati u l-ħatra tal-uffiċjali minn qabel. Għax m’għandniex nistennew lil min kien jiġi jaqa’ u jqum dwar kif iġib ruħu qabel ma jidħol fil-politika ser jaqbleb is-switch għal imġieba aħjar, hekk kif jidħol fil-politika.

Dan il-każ għandu jservi ta’ sveljarin.

Ippubblikat fuq Illum: il-Ħadd 11 ta’ Lulju 2021

A grey-list switch

Tomorrow, Monday, the Parliamentary Standing Committee for Standards in Public Life will commence the examination of Report K/032 on Labour Party Qormi Member of Parliament Rosianne Cutajar. The report examines submissions received by the Standards Commissioner George Hyzler and points towards the failure by Cutajar to declare income which she received when drawing up her declaration of assets, a declaration which she submitted when she was still a Parliamentary Secretary in the Justice Ministry.

The 45-page report drawn up by Commissioner Hyzler is accompanied by an additional two volumes containing the supporting evidence on the basis of which Dr Hyzler based his deliberations and conclusions. A third volume of evidence has been withheld from public scrutiny. It has been stated that this third volume contains confidential bank statements of the Qormi Labour MP as well as her chats on Whatsapp with Yorgen Fenech, suspected mastermind of the Daphne Caruana Galizia assassination.

Prime Minister Robert Abela has taken a decision as a result of which Rosianne Cutajar is now definitely out of Cabinet, at least for the final months of the current legislature. However, she has stubbornly emphasised that she will not relinquish her Parliamentary seat. She says that she will be back, even though to date her political party has not yet confirmed whether she will be presented as a candidate, in view of the Standards in Public Life report under consideration.

In Cutajar’s defence Prime Minister Abela, in non-committal mode, has emphasised that she will be treated as anybody else, with no favourable treatment.

Undoubtedly Cutajar considers that she has been treated very unfairly. Why should she now be pressured to disappear from public life when a self-confessed tax evader was elected Leader of the Opposition? Life (and Maltese politics) is certainly not fair.  Bernard Grech and Rosianne Cutajar are on an ethically equivalent level yet so far, they are treated differently.  

Why is it, one might ask, that the Parliamentary Opposition adopts two weights and two measures? May I suggest that the Opposition representatives are right in insisting that Rosianne Cutajar should shoulder the political consequences of her actions as detailed in the report of Commissioner Hyzler? Why don’t they be consistent and apply the same criteria to their Leader too?

Like Rosianne Cutajar, Bernard Grech qualifies for the Order of the Boot. That is the equal treatment they should receive. The presence of both of them in local public life is a significant contributor to FATF grey-listing!

Therese Comodini Cachia and Karol Aquilina were spot on when they emphasised that the Hyzler report needs to be approved in order to send out the message that we are truly working on removing Malta from the FATF grey-list.  I hope they also agree that having a tax-evader as an alternative Prime Minister does not help in distancing this country from the FATF grey-list! 

There is still time to be consistent!

The need to upgrade ethical behaviour in public life is not a switch-on switch-off exercise depending on which political party is in government. It is applicable to all of us in politics. Not just while we are active in politics but starting from before the actual involvement itself.

This is the reason why we seek to screen potential electoral candidates and party officials before selection or election. We should not expect that those who do not behave ethically before taking up politics manage to switch to a more “acceptable” behavioural mode on entering politics.  

Let this be a wake-up call!

published in the Malta Independent on Sunday : 11 July 2021

Tonio Fenech u l-froġa tal-2006

Tonio Fenech, ex-Ministru tal-Finanzi, reġa’ tfaċċa, f’attività politika li saret fil-Palazz Verdala biex  jgħidilna kif jaħsibha. Qalilna li bl-ambjent ma tirbaħx elezzjonijiet. Imma huwa bil-permessi (tal-bini), żied jgħid, tirbaħ il-voti!   Bil-qdusija artifiċjali tas-soltu jimplika li l-ħsara ambjentali kienet essenzjali biex jintrebħu l-elezzjonijiet! Għax għal Tonio Fenech kull sagrifiċċju jgħodd sakemm iwassal biex tirbaħ l-elezzjonijiet.

Dan mhu xejn ġdid. Il-problema hi li l-kejl sfortunatament hu biss mil-lum għal għada. S’issa ma konniex kapaċi nħarsu fit-tul, biex inqiesu sewwa l-impatt li d-deċiżjonijiet tal-lum għandhom fuq għada u l-ġenerazzjonijiet ta’ warajna. Sfortunatament il-politika f’pajjiż tirraġuna: għada min raħ?

Wara li (flimkien ma oħrajn) Tonio Fenech kien responsabbli mhux biss għall-pjani lokali, imma ukoll għall-eżerċizzju ta’ razzjonalizzazzjoni li bih żdiedet sew l-art għall-iżvilupp, issa qed jipprova jimpressjona li qed jindem!   Il-proposta tiegħu li jorbot il-pjani lokali fil-Kostituzzjoni toħloq iktar problemi milli diġa inħolqu!

Il-pjani lokali u strumenti oħra li bihom nippjanaw l-użu tal-art neċessarjament ikunu ta’ wieħed minn żewġ tipi. Jistgħu jkunu ċari u preċiżi, bil-konsegwenza li għax rigidi jkun jeħtieġilhom tibdil regolari biex jirriflettu realtajiet u żviluppi ġodda.  Inkella jkunu ġeneriċi u jkun jiddependi mill-interpretazzjoni tagħhom u l-integrità ta’ min iħaddem il-proċess kollu.

Kull possibilità hi dipendenti fuq l-integrità u l-viżjoni ta’ dawk involuti fil-fażijiet differenti li jwasslu sad-deċiżjonijiet.  Ma hemmx spjegazzjoni oħra: qegħdin f’nofs din il-froġa minħabba li Tonio Fenech u sħabu kienu bla viżjoni.  Inżid ngħid li b’mod konxju inkarigaw bil-proċess deċiżjonali numru ta’ persuni li ma kellhomx idea tal-impatt fit-tul ta’ dak li kienu qed jagħmlu. Kien jinteresshom biss mill-impatti immedjati: il-voti u l-elezzjonijiet kienu l-miri ewlenin tagħhom. Ġew jaqgħu u jqumu mill-ġid komuni.

F’dan kollu nifhem li l-integrità tfisser li tkun onest, b’subgħajk dritt, ta’ prinċipju. Kwalitajiet li huma nieqsa mill-pjani lokali.

L-ippjanar dwar l-użu tal-art huwa aspett importanti minn dak meħtieġ għall-ħarsien ambjentali: dan mhux konċernat biss mir-realtajiet tal-lum.  Jagħti sura lill-futur u jfassal il-qafas li fih jiżviluppaw il-ġenerazzjonijiet futuri. F’dan il-kuntest Il-korruzzjoni tal-ambjent biex jintrebħu l-elezzjonijiet billi jitqassmu l-permessi tal-iżvilupp bħall-pastizzi hi l-agħar azzjoni possibli, nieqsa minn kwalunkwe ħjiel ta’ integrità.  Dan hu l-kontribut sinifikanti tat-tim tal-2006 fil-politika Maltija lill-kwalità tal-ħajja tal-ġenerazzjonijiet preżenti u futuri.  Għaddew ħmistax-il sena minn meta Tonio Fenech u ta’ madwaru fl-2006 ħolqu din il-froġa ambjentali. L-impatti illum tad-deċiżjonijiet ta’ ħmistax-il sena ilu huma enormi. Sfortunatament ma hemm ħadd fil-Parlament illum li għandu l-kuraġġ li jibda it-tiswija u t-tindifa bis-serjetà tal-ħsara li ilha takkumula għal 15-il sena.

U issa? Sakemm jibqgħu jiġu eletti l-istess tip ta’ nies fil-Parlament ma hu ser jiġri xejn. Għad għandna bosta  li jiġu jaqgħu u jqumu mill-ħsara ambjentali, sakemm din tasal wara l-bieb tagħhom.  Huwa biss meta lkoll nirrealizzaw li l-vantaġġi immedjati għall-ftit ifissru tbatija fit-tul għal kulħadd li nkunu nistgħu nagħmlu l-ewwel passi fit-triq tal-fejqan.

Irridu nkunu kapaċi nifhmu kif dak li nagħmlu illum għandu effett fuq is-7 ġenerazzjonijiet li jiġu warajna. Dan nistgħu nagħmluh billi nqisu sewwa d-deċiżjonijiet u l-imġieba kollha tagħna. Ma jista’ jkun hemm l-ebda eċċezzjoni.  

ippubblikat fuq Illum: il-Ħadd 13 ta’ Ġunju 2021

Tonio Fenech’s class of 2006

Tonio Fenech, former Finance Minister, has been resurrected onto a political platform to share his views in a recent political activity held at Verdala Palace.

The environment, he said, does not win elections. Development permits, on the other hand, win votes, Tonio Fenech emphasised! Tonio Fenech, sanctimoniously as ever, implies that it was essential to systematically ruin the environment, in order to win elections! Sort of, winning elections is an objective in respect of which no sacrifice is to be spared, in his opinion!

We have been there more than once before. Realistically speaking, the problem, in my view is entrenched short-termism and this is applicable not just to environmental politics but rather to a whole spectrum of issues of varying importance. We need to take the long-term view in our decision-making process at all levels and in all matters.

Having been responsible, together with others, for the approval not just of the Local Plans but also for the rationalisation (land use planning) exercise as a result of which extensive land was given up for development, it seems that Tonio Fenech is in atonement mode. However, his proposal of resolving the matter by enshrining Local Plans in the Constitution would create worse problems than those already inflicted upon Maltese society!

Local plans, and other land use planning instruments, necessarily need be one of two types. They could be either very clear and precise, in which case they would require periodic revision to reflect developments and new realities. Alternatively, local plans could be generic in which case much would depend on their interpretation and the integrity of those handling the process.

In each option much is dependent on the integrity and vision of those handling all the different stages of the decision-making process. There are no two ways about it: we are in the present mess due to the lack of vision of Tonio Fenech and his colleagues. I would also add that they consciously entrusted the decision-making process to various persons who had no idea of the long-term impact of what they embarked upon. They had their sights focused on short-term gains: winning votes and elections being among their primary objectives. Consciously they set aside the common good.

In my book integrity means the quality of being honest and having strong moral principles, being morally upright. Qualities which are definitely missing in the local plans.

Land use planning is an important aspect of environmental stewardship, and it does not deal exclusively with present day realities. It also shapes the future and determines the parameters within which future generations can act. In this respect using a corrupted environment to consciously win elections through dishing out development permits is in my view the worst possible political declaration, devoid of any integrity. This is the significant contribution of the class of 2006 in Maltese politics to the quality of life of present and future generations. It has been fifteen years since Tonio Fenech and his class of 2006 created this environmental mess. The impacts today are enormous. It is unfortunate that no one in parliament has the courage to initiate the process to reverse this 15-year damage.

Where do we go from here? Realistically speaking we cannot go anywhere if the same type keeps making it to Parliament. We have had more than enough of those who ignore environmental blasphemy until it arrives at their doorstep or their street! The moment we realise that short-term gains for the few signify long-term pains for all, we may start registering some progress. We need to realise that the way forward is to be good ancestors to at least the next seven generations: ensuring that we take the long-term view in all our decisions. There is no room for any exception.

published in the Malta Independent on Sunday : 13 June 2021