Ir-Repubblika hi marida

Aħna u nsegwu l-ġbir tal-provi fil-Qrati dwar id-diversi każi li għadhom għaddejjin in konnessjoni mal-assassinju ta’ Daphne Caruana Galizia nistħajjilni qed nara dokumentarju dwar il-falliment tal-istituzzjonijiet f’Malta. Dokumentarju dwar il-falliment tal-istat Malti, dwar ir-Repubblika li għamlet lilha innifisha impotenti fil-konfront tal-kriminalità.  

L-assassinju ta’ Daphne hu ukoll falliment tal-korp tal-Pulizija li ma rnexxilux isib tarf tal-kriminalità organizzata.  

Kif jista’ l-korp tal-Pulizija jagħmel dmiru meta jkollu uffiċjali bħal Silvio Valletta li jkun fil-but tal-kriminali? Silvio Valletta għadu jiġri mas-saqajn: s’issa għad ma ħadux passi kontrieh minkejja l-ħsara enormi li għamel lill-kredibilità tal-korp tal-Pulizija u lill-pajjiż.

Illum nafu kemm Silvio Valletta tħaxken ma  Yorgen Fenech. Valletta ma kienx xi kuntistabbli  f’xi għassa tal-pulizija mwarrba. Prattikament kien imexxi l-Korp tal-Pulizija bħala Deputat Kummissarju. Kien jirrapresenta lill-Korp tal-Pulizja fuq il-Bord ta’ Tmexxija tal-Financial Intelligence Analysis Unit (FIAU).

Il-fatt li wieħed mill-fizzjali tal-pulizija l-iktar anzjani jaġixxi b’dan il-mod jagħti indikazzjoni ċara ta’ kif kienu jaħsbuha sħabu fit-tmexxija tal-korp fil- Furjana. Rapport tal-Ombudsman irrappurtat iktar kmieni dan ix-xahar dwar investigazzjoni mitluba fuq ilment ta’ Supretendent tal-Pulizija fisser kif kienet tinħatar it-tmexxija tal-korp: il-lealtà lejn il-kummissarju qabel il-lejaltà lejn is-servizz, kienet kwalifika essenzjali.  Meta l-għażla tal-fizzjali tal-korp kienet issir b’dan il-mod xejn m’għandna nissorprendu ruħna li l-korp ilu ftit kompromess.

Iz-ziju Silvio kien investiment li jirrendi għal Yorgen Fenech. Għal żmien twil Silvio Valletta kien il-muftieħ li iffaċilita l-aċċess  ta’ Yorgen Fenech għal kull xorta ta’ informazzjoni li kien jeħtieġ.  Dan hu eżempju ċar ta’ x’nifhmu meta ngħidu li d-dinja kriminali qegħda bosta passi qabel il-korp tal-pulizija.   F’dan il-kaz, permezz ta’ Silvio Valletta d-dinja kriminali setgħet tinfluwenza l-korp bir-remote control.

Diffiċli biex nifhmu kif inhu possibli li jkollna kollass iktar gravi tal-istituzzjonijiet minn hekk.

Dan kollu ma ġarax mil-lum għal għada. Imma hu ċentrali biex nifhmu kif żviluppat l-għanqbuta tal-maniġġi tul is-snin liema maniġġi wasslu għall-assassinju ta’  Daphne Caruana Galizia u lil hinn.  

Meta saret emfasi dwar il-kunflitt ta’ interess ta’ Silvio Valletta minħabba li dakinnhar, martu, kienet membru tal-Kabinett, ir-resistenza biex iwarrab kienet enormi. Kella tkun kawża fil-Qrati, li ħadet iż-żmien, li wasslet biex jitwarrab mill-investigazzjoni.  

Issa ġie ippubblikat ir-rapport finali tal-inkjesta pubblika dwar l-assassinju ta’ Daphne. Ir-rapport ma jgħidilniex min qatilha, jew min ordna l-qtil tagħha: dak qatt ma kien l-iskop tar-rapport. Ir-rapport imma jeżamina l-klima ta’ impunità li nħolqot u li wasslet għall-assassinju tagħha.  Ir-rapport juri kif in-negozju u l-politika saru ħaġa waħda, tant li xi kultant mhux iktar faċli biex tgħid min hu min.

Il-konklużjoni ewlenija tar-rapport hija li Malta inħakmet minn mentalità mafjuża. L-istat Malti ntrikeb minn mentalità kulturali li tippermetti mentalità u attitudni mafjuża li jrabbu l-għeruq.

Ftit hemm proposti fir-rapport tal-inkjesta li huma ġodda għad-dibattitu politiku lokali. Bosta mill-proposti ilhom fl-aġenda pubblika numru ta’ snin. Uħud ġew imbiċċra, mdgħajfa inkella gvernijiet differenti għamlu snin sħaħ iparlaw dwarhom u jagħmlu ftit li xejn.   Il-ħarsien ta’ min ikun lest li jikxef il-ħmieġ (whistleblowing) għadu soġġett għall-ispag politiku kif rajna b’għajnejna għal numru ta’ snin. Ir-regolamentazzjoni tal-lobbying hi soġġetta għal ħafna paroli, imma s’issa ma sar xejn. Ir-regolamentazzjoni tal-imġieba etika saret farsa, minkejja l-isforzi ta’ George Hyzler, il-Kummissarju dwar l-iStandards fil-Ħajja Pubblika.

Huwa essenzjali li l-kuntatti kollha bejn kull negozju u l-friegħi kollha tal-istat ikunu ċari u trasparenti. Kollox, mingħajr eċċezzjoni. Ilu jsir paroli dwar dan imma ftit wisq sar dwaru.

L-istat Malti ġie mdgħajjef minn dawk li fittxew li jsiru sinjuri malajr, a kwalunkwe kost. Jiddependi minna jekk inwaqqfuhomx l-iktar kmieni possibli. Ir-Repubblika marida.

Ippubblikat fuq Illum : il-Ħadd 1 t’Awwissu 2021

The Republic is sick

Following the compilation of evidence in our law courts relative to the multiple cases dealing with the assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia is in itself a detailed continuously developing documentary of the failure of our institutions, the failure of the state.

Daphne’s assassination is also a failure of the police corps to keep a tag on criminal activity.

How could the police corps carry out its duties with officers like Silvio Valletta hibernating deep inside criminal pockets? Silvio Valletta has to date not been prosecuted for his criminal activity which has been the cause of considerable reputational damage and to the effectiveness of the police corps.

Today we know of Valletta’s cavorting with Yorgen Fenech. Valletta was not an ordinary simple cop languishing in some out of the way police station. He practically ran the Police Corps as Deputy Commissioner of Police and represented it on the governing board of the Financial Intelligence Analysis Unit (FIAU).

The fact that this top policeman acted in such a manner is a clear indication of the forma mentis of the contemporary top brass at Floriana Police HQ. An Ombudsman report made public earlier this month on the investigation relative to the complaint of a Police Superintendent has dwelt at some length as to how police officials were selected: loyalty to the boss before loyalty to service was a basic requirement. With police officer selection being carried out on the basis of such a “qualification” it is no surprise that that the Police Corps was compromised for such a long time.

Uncle Silvio was the perfect investment for Yorgen Fenech. For a long time, Silvio Valletta was the key that facilitated access to Yorgen Fenech to all sorts of intelligence. A perfect example which illustrates what it means when we emphasise that the criminal world is many steps ahead of the police force.  In this specific case, for quite a time, the criminal world had the police force on a remote control, through Silvio Valletta.

It is difficult to comprehend how we could ever have an institutional failure of larger proportions.

This did not happen overnight. It is however central to the web of intrigue which developed over the years and leading up the assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia and beyond.

When Valletta’s conflict of interest as the then husband of a cabinet minister was spotlighted, the resistance to let got was enormous. It had to be a laborious court case which at the end of the day had him removed from coordinating the assassination investigation.

The final report of the public inquiry into Daphne’s assassination has now been published. It does not identify who signed Daphne’s death warrant: that was not its purpose. It does however examine how a state of impunity has developed over time such that her assassination was the direct consequence. It points out how business and politics became intertwined until you could not tell which was which.

The main takeaway from the inquiry report is that the state has been taken over by a Mafia mentality. The state has been hijacked by a cultural mindset that allows and encourages a Mafia attitude to take root and prosper.

Few of the proposals of the inquiry are new to the political debate. Most have been put forward over the years but they were shot down, diluted or had the breaks applied by different governments. Effective whistleblowing is still subject to political strings as has been evidenced over the years. Lobbying regulation is still talked of but not implemented.  The regulation of ethical behaviour has developed into a farce, notwithstanding the efforts of George Hyzler, the Commissioner for Standards in Public Life.

It is about time that the links between business and all branches of the state are transparent. Everything, without any exception, must be above board. This has been on the books for years, yet continuously ignored.

The Maltese state has been severely weakened by those who sought their fast-track enrichment at all costs. It is up to all of us, to stop them in their tracks. The soonest. The state has failed us. The Republic is sick.

published in The Malta Independent on Sunday: 1 August 2021

The politics of Sustainable Development

 

Sustainable Development is about how we satisfy our needs today in a responsible manner. We normally refer to the World Commission on Environment and Development headed by Gro Harlem Brundtland who, in her final report in 1987 entitled Our Common Future defined sustainable development as “the development which meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.”

The politics of sustainable development is hence about politics with a responsible long-term view: it is about the future that we desire to bequeath to future generations. It is a future that we can mould today as a result of the careful consideration of the impacts of each and every one of our present actions.

Sustainable Development is about living in harmony with all that surrounds us, at all times. It is about being in harmony with Mother Earth, with nature and with our fellow human beings. It is treating our surroundings as part of our family: it is the Brother Sun Sister Moon philosophy espoused by Francis of Assisi. It is the path to dignity aiming simultaneously at the eradication of poverty and the protection of the planet. Sustainable development requires the synchronisation of cultural, social, environmental and economic policy. Shielding human dignity, appreciating our culture and environmental protection are as essential as economic development.

There is a visible gap between the political declarations made and the implementation of sustainable development policies. The international community is analysing the achievements made through the Millennium Development Goals agreed to during the Johannesburg 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development. As a result, it is discussing the adoption of Sustainable Development Goals by the United Nations General Assembly next September. Yet in Malta we still lack an appropriate  sustainable development infrastructure.

So far, the Maltese political class has failed in integrating Sustainable Development policymaking and its implementation. Malta is not unique in this respect. In fact, even prior to the Rio+20 Summit in 2012, in his report entitled Objectives and Themes Of The United Nations Conference On Sustainable Development, UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon discusses institution building at all levels ranging from the local to the international.

Ban Ki Moon had emphasised that on a national level the integration challenge has been responded to by the creation of new institutions (such as national councils), in many cases with disappointing results. Malta is one such case. The institutional framework for sustainable development in Malta has not been able to deliver so far.

The National Commission for Sustainable Development was disbanded years ago and the provisions of the National Strategy for Sustainable Development have been largely ignored. This strategy, which was the result of extensive consultations with civil society, laid down not only the objectives to be achieved but also the structures to be set up in each ministry in order to proceed with the strategy’s implementation.

All the deadlines laid down in the National Sustainable Development Strategy have been ignored by the government. This was primarily the responsibility of the previous government led by Lawrence Gonzi. The present government is apparently still in a trance about the whole matter.

The only positive development in the past years has been the adoption of a proposal of Alternattiva Demokratika -The Green Party in Malta, leading to the appointment of a Guardian for Future Generations. However, deprived of the substantial resources required to be effective, all the good intentions of the Guardian will not suffice to kick-start the implementation process. Even the minister responsible for sustainable development has some bark but no bite. He too has been deprived of the essential resources to carry out his mission. He has not inherited any functioning sustainable development infrastructure. In addition, he has been given political responsibility for the environment without in any way being directly involved in the environmental functions of MEPA. This is not an indictment of Minister Leo Brincat but rather an indictment of his boss, the Prime Minister, who is quite evidently not interested in beefing up the regulatory infrastructure. Waiting two years for some form of indication of goodwill is more than enough.

The National Sustainable Development Strategy has a whole section dealing with the implementation process. When approved by Cabinet on the eve of the 2008 general elections, it had laid down the need for “a permanent structure, appropriately staffed and funded (which) should be established to coordinate, monitor, revise and promote the National Strategy for Sustainable Development among all stakeholders. Such a structure should be placed under the direction of the National Commission for Sustainable Development” (section 4.1 of the National Strategy for Sustainable Development).

Seven years later this permanent structure is still inexistent. Is there need of any further proof of the lack of political will to act on sustainable development?

 

published on 8 March 2015 in The Malta Independent on Sunday

Green talk but no more

 

When push comes to shove it is always the rights of future generations which are ignored and thrown overboard. This is done repeatedly as governments tend to give greater value to the rights of present generations, in the process discounting the rights of the future.

It is a recurring theme in all areas of environmental concern. Whether land use planning, water management, resource management, waste management, climate change, biodiversity or air quality,  procrastination is the name of the game. With 101 excuses governments postpone to tomorrow decisions which should have been implemented yesterday.

Future generations have a right to take their own decisions. It is pretty obvious that they will not be able to take adequate decisions as their options will be severely curtailed as a result of the implementation of present and past decisions.

The politics of sustainable development aims to address this deficiency.

On a global level it all started in Stockholm in 1972 as a result of the sensitivities of the Nordic countries which set in motion the UN Human Environment Conference. After the publication of the Brundtland Report in 1987, the Rio Summits (1992 and 2012), as well as the Johannesburg Summit (2002), we can speak of charters, international conventions, declarations and strategies all of which plot out in detail as to what is to be done. However as pointed out by UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon at the UN Rio+20 Summit (2012) in his report entitled “Objectives and Themes of the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development” institution building has lagged behind. This signifies that the integration of policymaking and its implementation is nowhere on target, Malta not being an exception.

The Sustainable Development Annual Report 2013 presented in Parliament by Minister Leo Brincat on the 27 May 2014 indicates that not much progress has been made to date on the matter, notwithstanding the number of meetings as well as the appointment of coordinating officers and focal points in each of the Ministries.

Way back in 2008 Malta had a National Sustainable Development Commission which through the inputs of civil society, in coordination with government involvement, had produced a National Sustainable Development Strategy. This was approved by Cabinet at that time but never implemented. So much that to try and justify its inertia the then government tried to divert attention in 2012 by proposing a Sustainable Development Act. This essentially transferred (with changes) some of the proposed structures and institutions identified in the National Sustainable Development Strategy to the legislation and used the process as a justification for not doing anything except talk and talk. The changes piloted through Parliament by then Environment Minister Mario de Marco included the effective dissolution of the National Commission for Sustainable Development (which had been dormant for 5 years). The justification which  the responsible Permanent Secretary uttered as an excuse was that the Commission was too large and hence of no practical use.

It has to be borne in mind that sustainable development is also an exercise in practical democracy whereby policy is formed through capillarity, rising from the roots of society, and not through filtration by dripping from the top downwards. For sustainable development to take root the strategy leading to sustainability must be owned by civil society which must be in the driving seat of the process.

Readers may remember that the President’s address to Parliament  way back on 10 May 2008 had emphasised that : “The government’s plans and actions are to be underpinned by the notion of sustainable development of the economy, of society and of the environment. When making decisions today, serious consideration will be given to the generations of tomorrow.”

This was not manifested in the government’s actions throughout its 5 year term. Not just in its approach to sustainable development but also in its dealing with the individual issues of environmental concern: be it land use planning, water management, resource management, waste management, climate change, biodiversity or air quality.The politics of sustainable development is an uphill struggle. It signifies a long term view in decision making, that is, considering carefully the impacts of today’s decisions on tomorrow. It requires much more than chatter.

As the report tabled by Minister Leo Brincat states in its conclusion, we are in for more chatter as the emphasis in the coming year seems to be the revision of a strategy which has never been implemented. The strategy is worded in such general terms that it is difficult to understand what this means, except that there is no practical interest in getting things done. It would have been much better if some effort was invested in the Action Plans which the different Ministries have to draw up in order to implement the strategy in the various departments/authorities under their political responsibility.

This, it seems, is unfortunately the Maltese long term view.

Published in The Times of Malta, Monday June 30, 2014