Daphne: the five-year wait for justice

Most of us remember what we were doing five years ago slightly after 3pm on Monday October 16, 2017, when the news flashed that a car had exploded in Bidnija. The possible connection with Daphne was immediate, even then, at that critical moment, when nothing else was yet known.

Slowly we got to know what had actually happened. 

The first reactions, then, five years ago were, and still are, significant.

Everyone was shocked, five years ago, when the Magistrate on duty, Consuelo Scerri-Herrera turned up on site at Bidnija. She failed to realise that this specific investigation was a no-go area for her!  I had then commented that Scerri-Herrera’s reluctance to abstain from leading this magisterial investigation was testimony to the fact that some members of the bench still need to master much more than the law.

Five years later, matters have not changed a bit as is evidenced by the behaviour of another Magistrate. Magistrate Nadine Lia is refusing to accept that she has an obvious conflict of interest and must hence withdraw from the consideration of another case currently under her consideration. Some things never change! The ethical behaviour of the judiciary is indispensable, now more than ever. How can the judiciary expect to be respected if it does not even respect itself?

Five years ago, we even had a Police Sergeant posting his comments on social media on his being overjoyed at the day’s happenings in Bidnija! Much worse was however in store. In fact, the then Deputy Police Commissioner Silvio Valletta took overall charge of the police investigation into the assassination, only for it to be revealed much later that he was literally in the pockets of Yorgen Fenech, currently undergoing criminal proceedings on charges of having commissioned Daphne Caruana Galizia’s assassination. Remember Uncle Silvio?

How could the Police carry out its duties adequately with Silvio Valletta, then Deputy Police Commissioner, hibernating deep inside criminal pockets, and leading the investigation into the assassination of Daphne?

Following the evidence in the multiple cases in our law courts dealing with the assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia was in itself a documentation of the failure of the state. This was even confirmed by the public inquiry into the assassination. It is a failure of the institutions which have been hijacked into servicing the criminal world.

Daphne’s investigative journalism, as it unfolded over the years, was a threat to all this. She exposed the ineffective institutions. She shone a light on the men and women of straw who think they are running the state when in fact they are puppets on a string controlled by various lobbies, including the criminal lobby.

Her last published words were significant as they spelled out her fears. “There are crooks everywhere you look now. The situation is desperate.”  She was commenting on Keith Schembri, Prime Minister Joseph Muscat’s Chief of Staff with reference to libel proceedings against Simon Busuttil as he had taken offence to being labelled a crook, and corrupt.  In her last article published minutes before she was blown up Daphne had spelt out that “The crook Schembri was in court today, pleading that he is not a crook.”

The developments over the past sixty months are proving without a shadow of doubt “that crooks are everywhere”.  It has resulted that the Office of the Prime Minister was run by crooks: as a result, Joseph Muscat had no option but to resign. He had been protecting the crooks around him for far too long!

With all these obstacles it is no wonder that after five years the end of the investigations into the assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia is not yet in sight. No one is certain yet whether there was one mastermind plotting the assassination or else whether there were two or more.

We do not have an answer yet, as to whether any politician was in the know, or worse, directly involved, even though there have been a number of public references to former Labour Cabinet Minister, Chris Cardona in this respect.

We have been witnessing the exposure of a web of criminality which has infiltrated and infected all sectors of society. The investigations which we have witnessed developing over the past five years have revealed an intricate network which pervades practically all institutions. Just like the octopus which with its eight long tentacles seeks to control all from a distance. It is no wonder that after sixty months the end is not yet in sight.  The octopus is still in control.

published on The Malta Independent on Sunday: 16 December 2022

The financing of the PLPN

Through a number of articles in the local press we have been repeatedly made aware that government and its authorities do not treat the parliamentary political parties (and their commercial companies) as the rest of us when it comes to outstanding bills, including those relating to taxes due.

The regulation of party-political financing should not stop at donation reports. We need to shine the spotlight on their pending bills too as these are an additional substantial financing source which in practice serves to finance the political parties through open-ended credit facilities! It is being carried out by the state, directly and by stealth.

To be clear I am referring to outstanding VAT payments and pending water and electricity bills which go back a number of years which have accumulated to millions in outstanding dues. In addition, there are also NI and PAYE contributions collected by the parliamentary political parties and their commercial companies on behalf of the Inland Revenue Department from their employees and retained unlawfully at their end. Any private employer who acts in the same manner is normally subject to legal action, in particular for failure to act on repeated reminders to conform! If you try not paying your water and electricity bills for years on end you will very soon receive a polite notice from ARMS indicating that you will soon have no more access to water and electricity!  But it is kids gloves for the PLPN. 

The amounts due run into many millions of euros and form part of the accumulated debts of the parliamentary political parties. It is difficult to quantify the precise amounts due by PLPN and their commercial companies as the authorities continuously withhold information as to the precise accumulated amount of the arrears due. The only information available in the public domain is sourced through leaks indicating that the amounts due run into millions: an upward eight digit spiral! Public knowledge of the extremely generous credit terms which public authorities grant parliamentary political parties and their companies would reveal the systemic abuses which have been shielded for too long a time.  This information should be disclosed as this is in the public interest. Good governance requires it.

This is an indirect source of political party financing which needs to be quantified and acted upon immediately. It is unfortunate that the regulator of political party financing is the Electoral Commission which is itself composed of nominees of the PLPN, who are thus regulating themselves, in addition to regulating their direct competitors, the other political parties.

It is also about time that the commercial companies belonging to the political parties are dealt with as an integral part of the political parties which they service. Stricter controls and real-time reporting time-frames are essential if we really want to ensure that these commercial companies are not used as vehicles to channel illicit funding to oil the PLPN political machinery.

As expected PLPN are in denial. The PL insists that its companies have not entered into a deal with Yorgen Fenech. The PN on the other hand insist that all is above board at its end: they proclaim that they have not issued any fake dB invoices! Yet both of them continuously fail to play by the rules. Audited accounts for their companies have not been presented for many years. As a result, there is no way to verify whether and to what extent the PLPN commercial companies are innocent of the charges that they are being continuously used to circumvent the rules regulating the funding of political parties.

Both the PL and the PN sanctimoniously proclaim their adherence to the basic principles of good governance. It is about time that they start practicing what they preach!

published in The Malta Independent on Sunday : 17 April 2022

Abusive continuity

The distribution of multiple cheques to every household by the Labour Government on the eve of the general election is more than abusing the power of incumbency. Through the said distribution, the power of incumbency is being transformed into a corrupt practice, specifically intended to unduly influence voters.

What, in normal circumstances should be a simple administrative act is being transformed into blatant political propaganda, at public expense, straight into your letterbox. A covering letter signed by Robert Abela and Clyde Caruana says it all. A Banana Republic in all but name!

Why should such handouts be distributed on the eve of elections if not to influence voters?

Even if one were to accept that such handouts are acceptable, it is certainly not in any way justifiable to plan their distribution specifically on the eve of an election. This goes against the basic principles of good governance.

The power of incumbency is the executive power of a government seeking re-election. Incumbents always have an advantage. The manner in which they handle it defines their governance credentials.

This has been a government characterised by bad governance throughout its term in office. Right from the very beginning, on 13 March 2013. I consider the full 9 years as one continuum. This was reinforced by Robert Abela himself who emphasised that his leadership of the Labour Party seeks to continue the “achievements” of his predecessor and mentor Joseph Muscat. Continuity was his declared mission.

On its first days in office, Labour started off on its Panama tracks. The secret Panama companies set up by Konrad Mizzi, Keith Schembri and someone else, known as the (mysterious) owner of Egrant, went on to rock Labour over the years.

The Electrogas saga and its link to the assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia intertwined with the Panama debacle.

It is now clearly established that the assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia was directly linked to her investigative journalism. Her investigations led her to identify the governance credentials of various holders of political office and their links with big business. Defining their relationship as being too close for comfort would be a gross understatement.

As emphasised in the investigation report on the Daphne Caruana Galizia assassination, over the years, a culture of impunity has developed in these islands. This has led to misbehaviour in public office being normalised. It has also led to considerable resistance in the shouldering of political responsibility by holders of political office, whenever they were caught with their hand in the cookie jar! Rosianne Cutajar and Justyne Caruana being the latest examples, as amply proven by the Commissioner for Standards in Public Life George Hyzler.

To add insult to injury Cutajar and Caruana were the recipients of generous termination benefits, notwithstanding that their term of political office ended in disgrace. Caruana received terminal benefits twice in the span of a short time, as she established a national record of resigning twice from Robert Abela’s Cabinet!

With this track record one should not have expected otherwise from the Muscat/Abela administration. With the abusive distribution of cheques on the eve of the general election Labour’s current term is approaching a fitting end.

The Labour Party in government has consistently acted abusively. Robert Abela has followed in the footsteps of his predecessor and mentor Joseph Muscat. Continuity has been ensured, as promised.

published in Malta Today : Sunday 20 March 2022

Il-kumpaniji tal-PLPN jeħtieġ li jkunu regolati sewwa

Tal-PLPN, permezz tal-kumpaniji tagħhom tal-media, għandhom jagħtu l-miljuni lill-Kummissarju tal-VAT.  Kif jistgħu qatt ikunu kredibbli meta jitkellmu dwar il-miżuri meħtieġa kontra l-evażjoni tat-taxxa?  Mhux aħjar li jkunu huma minn tal-ewwel li jħallsu dak dovut u jagħtu l-eżempju?

Iktar kmieni din il-ġimgħa konna infurmati li l-kumpaniji tal-media tal- PL u tal-PN għandhom jagħtu mal-€5 miljuni lill-Kummissarju tal-VAT. Dan l-ammont hu dovut lill-kaxxa ta’ Malta u jirrappreżenta taxxa li nġabret mill-kumpaniji tal-PLPN u nżammet għandhom.  Iż-żamma għandhom da parti tal-kumpaniji tal-PLPN ta’ dawn il- €5 miljuni jfisser li dawn ħadmu uqed jaħdmu bi flus li ma humiex tagħhom, iżda tal-kaxxa ta’ Malta. Huwa self moħbi li minnu ibbenefikaw kemm il-PL kif ukoll il-PN. Għalhekk kważi skiet perfett. Fejn jaqblihom iħokku dahar xulxin: malajr jiftehmu bi ftit kliem.

L-għaqdiet tan-negozju għamlu sew li semmgħu leħinhom u lmentaw pubblikament dwar dan it-trattament preferenzjali tal-kumpaniji tal-PLPN dwar il-ħlas tal-VAT li dawn għad għandhom pendenti. Huwa essenzjali li l-mexxejja tal-pajjiż imexxu bl-eżempju. Kif ngħidu, l-kliem iqanqal, imma l-eżempju jkaxkar.  

Il-problema iżda hi ħafna ikbar minn hekk. Xi żmien ilu l-medja kienet ikkummentat dwar il-fatt li tal-PLPN l-anqas il-kontijiet tad-dawl u l-ilma ma kienu qed iħallsu. Il-kontijiet pendenti kienu enormi.  L-aħħar informazzjoni li sibt kienet tindika kontijiet pendenti tal-PLPN u l-kumpaniji tagħhom, flimkien, għall-ammont ta’ madwar  €2,500,000. Diffiċli biex ikollok informazzjoni preċiża u aġġornata minħabba li l-ARMS tqis li din hi materja kunfidenzjali minkejja li hi materja ta’ importanza nazzjonali enormi: għax il-PLPN qed jabbużaw mis-sistema u l-awtoritajiet mhux biss qed iħalluhom imma qed jostruhom.    L- ARMS għandha l-obbligu li tittratta lill-kumpaniji tal-PLPN bl-istess mod li timxi ma’ kumpaniji oħra: trid tassigura ruħha li anke huma jħallsu l-kontijiet fil-ħin!  

Għadni ma semmejtx l-arretrati dwar il-ħlas tal-kontribuzzjoni tas-sigurtà nazzjonali u t-tnaqqis tal-PAYE għat-taxxa tad-dħul tal-impjegati tal-partiti politiċi u tal-kumpaniji tagħhom. Minn dak li ġie indikat fil-passat dawn l-arretrati jistgħu jammontaw għal miljuni kbar, avolja l-ammont eżatt tagħhom mhux magħruf!

Dan ifisser li fil-prattika tal-PLPN għandhom sors ieħor mhux dikjarat ta’ dħul li bih jiffinanzjaw il-ħidma tagħhom: għandhom kreditu fuq it-taxxi u pagamenti oħra dovuti lill-istat u istituzzjonijiet oħra. Self ieħor iffinanzjat minn dawk li jħallsu it-taxxi: self mhux dikjarat li jista’ jammonta għal madwar €10,000,000!

Kull negozju li jkollu jħallas dawn l-ammonti f’taxxa u ħlasijiet oħra jkollu jkollu inkwiet mhux żgħir. Ikun qabad it-triq tal-falliment. Jkun qed jissogra li l-assi tiegħu jittieħdu biex bihom jitħallsu l-kontijiet pendenti. Imma mal-PLPN, qiesu ma ġara xejn!

Dan kollu irridu narawh ukoll fil-kuntest ta’ xi ftehim mistur li niskopru bih minn żmien għal żmien bejn il-partiti l-kbar u x’uħud fin-negozju. L-aħħar każ hu dak tal-abbozz ta’ ftehim bejn il-Labour u Yorgen Fenech liema ftehim kien jipprovdi ħlas ta’ €200,000 għal xi servizzi. Dan bla dubju jfakkarna fil-każ l-ieħor ta’ xi snin ilu bejn il-Grupp dB u l-PN, dwar servizzi ukoll. F’kull kaz wara dawn il-ftehim hemm moħbija donazzjonijiet politiċi “taparsi ħlas għal servizzi”. B’hekk il-partiti l-kbar ikunu qed iduru mar-regolamenti dwar id-donazzjonijiet li jistabilixxu li l-valur kumulattiv ta’ donazzjoni fi flus lil partit politiku ma tistax taqbeż il–limitu ta’ €25,000 minn sors wieħed speċifiku.  

Dan kollu jipponta lejn nuqqas gravi u intenzjonat fit-tfassil tal-leġislazzjoni li tirregola l-finanzjament tal-partiti politiċi. Għidna repetutament li kemm il-PL kif ukoll il-PN kontinwament qed jagħmlu użu mill-kumpaniji tagħhom biex b’mod konvenjenti jevitaw l-obbligi tar-regolamenti finanzjarji.  

Kif wieħed jistenna, l-PLPN jiċħdu dan kollu. L-PL jinsisti li l-kumpaiji tiegħu ma daħlu fl-ebda ftehim ma’ Yorgen Fenech. Il-PN, min-naħa l-oħra jinsisti li m’għandu xejn irregolari. Imma mbagħad it-tnejn li huma ma jimxux mar-regoli. L- accounts ivverifikati tal-kumpaniji tagħhom ilhom snin kbar ma jkunu ppreżentati lill-awtoritajiet skond il-liġi. Bħala riżultat ta’ dan ma hemm l-ebda dokumenti li jistgħu jindikaw  jekk u kif il-kumpaniji tal-PLPN humiex verament mexjin sew u b’mod partikolari jekk humiex kontinwament jintużaw biex ikunu evitati ir-regoli dwar id-donazzjonijiet lill-partiti politiċi.

Hemm ħtieġa urġenti li r-regoli li bihom huma rregolati l-kumpaniji tal-partiti politiċi induruhom dawra sew. Dawn il-kumpaniji għandhom ikunu eżaminati fil-kuntest tal-Att tal-2015 dwar il-Finanzjament tal-Partiti Politiċi.  Rappurtaġġ fil-ħin hu essenzjali biex ikun assigurat li dawn il-kumpaniji ma jibqgħux jintużaw biex tinkiser il-liġi.  

F’dan il-mument il-PLPN u l-kumpaniji tagħhom ikkapparraw self sostanzjali bla ebda awtorizzazzjoni. Dik governanza tajba!

Il-PLPN ma jistgħux isolvuha din. Huma parti integrali mill-problema.

Huma biss Membri Parlamentari eletti minn fost dawk ippreżentati minn ADPD li jistgħu jibdew it-triq tat-tindif tat-taħwid li ħoloq u kattar il-PLPN.

ippubblikat fuq Illum: il-Ħadd 12 ta’ Settembru 2021

Regulating the commercial companies owned by PLPN

PLPN media houses owe millions to the VAT office.  How can PLPN be credible when speaking about measures to bring tax dodging and tax evasion under control? Would it not be more appropriate if they bring their own house in order first?

Earlier this week we were informed that the PL and the PN media houses have a combined unpaid VAT tax bill to the tune of €5 million. This amount is due to the exchequer and represents VAT collected by them and not paid to the state coffers. The retention by the PLPN of this sum of €5 million also signifies that the party media houses are making use of monies due to the national exchequer in their day-to-day workings!  It is an undeclared loan to the benefit of both the PL and the PN. Whenever it suites them, PLPN are in agreement. They are on the same wavelength. They are taking a free ride on the taxpayers back, year-in year-out.

Business is right to publicly complain on the preferential treatment meted out to the PLPN media houses on outstanding VAT payments. It is a reasonable expectation that the country’s leaders should lead by example!

The problem is however much larger than that. Some time back the media alerted us on the PLPN pending water and electricity bills too. The pending amounts due were known to be substantial. The latest available information is of a combined outstanding bill of €2,500,000. Up to date information is difficult to come by as ARMS considers it as a confidential matter, notwithstanding it being a matter of public interest due to its abusive nature.  Is it not about time that ARMS deals with PLPN companies in the same way as it deals with its other customers and ensures that they pay their bills on time?

There are also arrears due for National Insurance contributions and Income Tax deductions for employees of political parties and their companies. It has in the past been indicated that these arrears may run into many million euros even though the precise quantum is not known.

In effect this means that the PLPN have another undeclared source of finance for their day-to-day operations: an interminable credit on taxes and payments due to the state and its various institutions. Another loan financed by taxpayers in the region of around €10,000,000!

This has to be seen within the context of the underhand deals revealed from time to time between PLPN and business. The latest revelation of a possible draft agreement between Labour and Yorgen Fenech through which a €200,000 “deal for services” by the party media was planned, is a case in point. This is reminiscent of the other deal some years back between the dB Group and PN companies also for “services” by the party media. In both cases these deals are intended to disguise effective donations as “payment for services” thereby circumventing the donations regulations which impose an annual cumulative limit of €25,000 for donations to political parties from any one specific source.

Any business owing so much to the exchequer would be in deep trouble, on the inevitable fast track road to bankruptcy. Such a business would also be risking a takeover of its assets to make good for the substantial amounts due. But for the PLPN it seems that there is nothing to worry about!

All this points to a major intended deficiency of the legislation regulating the financing of political parties. It has been repeatedly pointed out that the PL and the PN are continuously using their companies as a convenient front to go around the political party financial regulatory framework.

As expected PLPN are in denial. The PL insists that its companies have not entered into a deal with Yorgen Fenech. The PN on the other hand insist that all is above board. Yet they continuously fail to play by the rules. Audited accounts for their companies have not been presented for many years. As a result, there is no way to verify whether and to what extent the PLPN commercial companies are innocent of the charges that they are being continuously used to circumvent the rules regulating the funding of political parties.

The rules regulating companies owned by political parties should be tightened up. Such companies should be scrutinised within the framework of the Financing of Political Parties Act of 2015. Real-time reporting is essential in order to ensure that such companies are not used any more to circumvent the rules.

As things stand, at this point in time, the PLPN and their commercial companies have appropriated a substantial loan without authorisation. How’s that for good governance? Another contributory factor to grey-listing?

PLPN cannot solve this. They are an integral part of the problem.

Only the election of Green MPs can clean up this PLPN mess.

published in The Malta Independent on Sunday : 12 September 2021

Il-jott tal-Imħallef Giovanni Grixti

Diġa ntqal ħafna fuq il-jott tal-Imħallef Giovanni Grixti.

L-aħbar ixxokkjat lil ħafna.

Għaliex l-imħallef ma qal xejn? Għaliex l-imħallef ma poġġiex il-karti fuq il-mejda u astjena? Hu biss jista’ jagħti tweġiba dwar dan.

Min-naħa l-oħra, l-aħbar għax ħarġet tard? Ma setgħetx tħabbret fl-awla, f’wiċċ l-imħallef, biex irid jew ma jridx ikollu jwieġeb u jirreaġixxi?

L-avukati ta’ Yorgen Fenech qalu li l-fatt li snin ilu, meta l-Imħallef Grixti kien għadu Magistrat xtara l-jott mingħand missier l-akkużat ma jfissirx li hemm raġuni għal rikuża jew astensjoni, għax din bħala raġuni ma tissemmiex fost il-lista ta’ raġunijiet li minħabba fihom ġudikant għandu jastjeni jew inkella jista’ jkun rikużat.

Il-każ quddiem l-Imħallef Grixti dwar il-pleġġ għal Yorgen Fenech kien wieħed ta’ sensittività kbira. Kien essenzjali li jkun assigurat li l-ġustizzja mhux biss qed issir iżda tidher li qed issir. Għal waqtiet twal dan ma kienx ċar. Għal waqtiet twal kien hemm dubju kbir dwar x’kien ser jiġri. Il-jott tal-imħallef nissel ħafna dubji.

Id-deċiżjoni issa ittieħdet u mad-daqqa t’għajn (għalina li m’aħniex avukati) tidher tajba. Imma tibqa’ t-togħma morra: kien hemm waqtiet kbar ta’ dubju. Dubju li ma jagħmilx ġid la lill-ġustizzja u l-anqas lill-Qrati.

Hemm ħtieġa li jkunu investigati ċ-ċirkustanzi kollha li wasslu għal dak li ġara. Biex mhux biss jiġu ndirizzati d-dubji tal-lum imma fuq kollox biex jonqsu d-dubji għada.

Dak li ġara f’dawn l-aħħar siegħat ma żiedx il-fiduċja tal-Maltin fil-Qrati. Il-każ ma jistax jieqaf hawn. Il-mistoqsijiet li jeħtieġu tweġiba huma bosta. Huma ukoll inkrepattivi għax ġaladarba l-Imħallef s’issa baqa’ sieket għandu ikun obbligat jitkellem, u jitkellem ċar. L-imħallef jaf x’għamel u bla dubju hu konxju li l-mod kif ġieb ruħu mhux aċċettabbli.

Il-Prim Imħallef għandu l-obbligu li jara li l-Kummissjoni għall-Amministrazzjoni tal-Ġustizzja tistħarreg sew il-kaz u tieħu l-passi meħtieġa, mingħajr dewmien.

Il-qrubija bejn il-poter politiku u l-poter tan-negozju wasslu biex nawwru l-istituzzjonijiet regolatorji tal-pajjiż : Silta (5) mill-inkjesta

Kondotta inaċċettabbli tal-Prim Ministru

Għall-Bord il-kondotta tal-allura Prim Ministru f’din iċ-ċirkustanza u l-mod abbużiv kif baqa’ jipproteġi liċ-Chief of Staff tiegħu u jsostnih fil-kariga importanti li kellu fl-amministrazzjoni sakemm ġie arrestat in konnessjoni mal-assassinju, hi inaċċettabbli, kundannabbli u tirrażenta nuqqas gravi w abbuż fl-eżerċizzju tal-funzjonijiet tiegħu bħala kap tal-gvern u garanti talgovernanza tajba. Hawn mhux si tratta ta’ ġudizzju politiku żbaljat li jeżorbita mit-termini ta’ referenza ta’ dan il-Bord. Si tratta fl-agħar ipotesi għal Dr Muscat għall-kopertura, protezzjoni ta’ persuni li allegatament ikkommettew reati gravi. Il-Bord baqa’ żbalordit bir-risposta li ta għad-domanda jekk kienx tkellem mas-Sur Fenech u lis-Sur Schembri dwar 17 Black wara l-assassinju meta bdew joħorġu aktar dettalji dwar min kien is-sid ta’ din il-kumpanija. Dan anke in vista tal-fatt li kienet teżisti ħbiberija u linja ta’ kommunikazzjoni diretta bejniethom anke permezz ta’ WhatsApp li baqgħet anke għal xi żmien meta kien persuna ta’ interess fl-omiċidju. Dr. Muscat wieġeb hekk: “Le. IsSur Fenech qatt ma staqsejtu u qatt ma tkellimt miegħu fuq dan il-punt. Lil Keith Schembri li kien jaqa’ taħti, staqsejtu wara li ħareġ dan kollu u reġa’ qal li kienet kwistjoni ta’ negozju bejniethom it-tnejn u qalli li ma għandha x’taqsam xejn mal-Electorgas”.

Is-Sur Schembri fil-verità jibqa’ jsostni hekk ukoll anke sal-lum. Mhux ilkompitu tal-Bord li jesprimi ruħu fuq x’inhi l-verità f’dan ir-rigward. Il-punt kruċjali hu illi meta saret l-akkuża, xhur qabel l-assassinju, l-Prim Ministru m’għamel xejn meta missu għamel ħafna. Kien bħal minimu obbligat jirrapporta l-allegazzjoni formalment lill-Pulizija b’talba li tinvestigaha b’urġenza jekk xejn għax kienet tista thedded l-istabilità tal-governanza fil-pajjiż. Il-Pulizija dak iż-żmien taħt il-Kummissarju Lawrence Cutajar għamlu ftit li xejn. Ċertament m’għamlux dak li kellhom jagħmlu. Ċertament għamel inqas mill-Kummissarju ta’ qablu Michael Cassar li wara li ġew żvelati ddettalji dwar il-Panama Papers u ġie informa li l-FIAU kienu qed jaħdmu fuqha, fetaħ file bl-isem ta’ ‘Operation Green’. Hu kien irriżenja xi tlett ġimgħat wara li kien irċieva r-rapporti dwar is-Sur Keith Schembri u l-Ministru Mizzi. Lill-Bord tah x’jifhem illi ma felaħx għall-pressjoni li akkużi gravi ta’ din ix-xorta ġabet fuqu. L-istess kif kien għamel Manfred Galdes.

Abbuż ta’ poter li jekk pruvat ibiddel ix-xenarju

Dawn ir-referenzi qsar għaċ-ċirkostanzi tal-Panama Papers u l-kumpanija 17 Black qed isiru f’dan l-istadju mill-Bord għaliex huma indikattivi ta’ kif kien jiġi abbużat l-eżerċizzju tal-poter fl-ogħla livell biex jiġu protetti persuni fil-qalba tal-amministrazzjoni. Huma importanti wkoll għaliex jekk wieħed jikkunsidra illi tnejn mill-persuni involuti kienu jew jista’ jkun li għadhom persuni ta’ interess għall-pulizija fl-investigazzjoni tagħhom tal-omiċidju li ġie ippjanat tul iż-żmien u jekk l-involviment tagħhom jiġi b’xi mod konstatat minn awtorità kompetenti – salvi dejjem il-preżunzjoni tal-innoċenza u d-dritt tagħhom għal smigħ xieraq u ġust – il-kwistjoni ma tibqax biss li jiġi determinat jekk xi att jew ommissjoni illeċitu minn jew fi ħdan xi entità talIStat iffaċilitatx l-assassinju meta kellha tipprevenih. Ix-xenarju jinbidel għal wieħed ta’ parteċipazzjoni attiva ta’ persuni li jikkomponi enti tal-IStat filkommissjoni tad-delitt. Dan apparti, fuq bażi fattwali u mhux issa ipotetika, l-inattività pależi tal-Prim Ministru u tal-entitajiet tal-iStat, fosthom il-Pulizija li għandhom il-funzjoni li jħarsu lis-soċjetà mill-kriminalità u jiggarantixxu l-ordni pubbliku, li jieħdu passi effettivi u fil-ħin kontra persuni ta’ poter fil-politika u fin-negozju, tnissel sens qawwi ta’ impunità, mhux biss fl-istess persuni involuti, imma wkoll f’kullmin kien intenzjonat li jaġixxi biex jipparteċipa f’xi aġir kriminuż. Kif jirriżulta mill-provi dawn fittxew li jkollhom konnessjonijiet fl-ogħla livell ta’ ħbiberija jew interess ma’ min kellu s-setgħa biex ikun jistgħu jaġixxu flassigurazzjoni reali jew perċepita li ser ikunu minnhom protetti. Dawn iċ-ċirkostanzi huma relevanti wkoll għaliex huma prova tanġibbli tażżwieġ li seħħ bejn l-eżerċizzju tal-poter politiku u l-eżerċizzju tal-poter ekonomiku. Żwieġ inċestuż li kien fil-qalba tal-investigazzjonijiet talġurnalista assassinata u li ngħad, ma setax ma kienx il-movent prinċipali talqtil tagħha.

Theddida għall-eżerċizzju tal-poter ekonomiku

Il-Bord konvint kif inhu, illi fuq bażi qawwija ta’ probabbilitajiet jekk mhux ċertezza, l-assassinju tas-Sinjura Caruana Galizia hu inevitabblilment marbut ma’ dawk li hi kienet tqis li huma skandli serji ta’ amministrazzjoni ħażina, riżultat tal-qrubija bejn il-poter politiku u l-poter tan-negozju kbir li wasslu biex nawwru sewwa l-istituzzjonijiet regolatorji tal-pajjiż, hi inevitabbli l-konklużjoni illi l-ġurnalista sabet in-nemesi fatali tagħha fil-politika dikjarata tal-gvern sa minn qabel l-elezzjoni tal-2013, illi hu kien determinat li jkun għal kollox business friendly. Politika li kellha l-għan li tiffavorixxi n-negozju, tinkorraġġixxi s-sħubija tal-gvern mal-investiment privat u tirrealizza proġetti kbar li joħolqu l-ġid.

Ladarba ġiet eskluża t-teżi illi l-omiċidju seta’ seħħ minħabba xi att inkonsult ta’ fanatiżmu politiku partiġġjan – f’dan ir-rigward ma rriżultat l-ebda provi quddiem dan il-Bord – il-fatti rilevanti li rriżultaw kemm qabel u kemm wara l-omiċidju għandhom jiġu ikkunsidrati minn din l-ottika. Il-Bord ripetutament afferma li ma kien hemm xejn oġġezzjonabbli li l-gvern ikollu politika li tkun business-friendly, anzi fi kliem iċ-Chief of Staff Keith Schembri gvern b’‘mentalità tal-business’, sakemm l-eżekuzzjoni ta’ dik il-politika u r-relazzjonijiet bejn l-amministrazzjoni pubblika u negozjanti w investituri jinżammu strettament fil-limiti tal-liġijiet u r-regolamenti applikabbli. Hu f’dan illi l-aġir tal-gvern falla. Hu għaliex il-mentalità ta’ negozjant għandha bħala regola l-mira illi timmassimizza l-profitt fin-negozju, bl-inqas burokrazija, u billi taqta’ għad-dritt ħadet is-sopravvent fuq dik li għandha tkun il-mira ta’ kull gvern li joħloq il-ġid fl-interess tal-komunità b’mod ġust u trasparenti skont il-liġijiet tal-pajjiż, illi ngħata lok għal sitwazzjonijiet li tista’ tgħid kull proġett maġġuri inizjat mill-amministrazzjoni spiċċa kellu dellijiet ta’ irregolaritajiet, abbuż ta’ poter u korruzzjoni. Allegazzjonijiet li jimplikaw li negozjanti involuti f’dawn il-proġetti għamlu jew kienu intenzjonati li jagħmlu qligħ indebitu minn fuq dahar il-poplu anki f’xi okkażjonijiet b’kollużjoni ma’ personaġġi politiċi ewlenin involuti fit-twettieq ta’ proġetti. Il-proġett tal-Electrogas hu wieħed minn dawn il-proġetti li dwaru l-Awditur Ġenerali esprima riservi kbar dwar ir-regolarità tal-proċeduri fit-twettieq talproġett u l-ħarsien tal-liġijiet applikabbli.

(pp 201-6)

Indħil fix-xogħol tal-Pulizija: Silta (4) mill-Inkjesta

Meta ġew illikjati r-rapporti tal-F.I.A.U., is-Sur Keith Schembri kien bagħat għas-Sur Abdilla u talbu l-opinjoni tiegħu dwarhom fejn jikkonċernaw lilu nnifsu, jiġifieri lis-Sur Keith Schembri. Is-Sur Abdilla xehed illi ltaqa’ ma’ Keith Schembri darbtejn u ddiskuta dawn ir-rapporti li kienu jolqtu lil Keith Schembri u l-laqgħat saru f’Kastilja. Dan juri li kien hemm indħil dirett u suspett mis-Sur Schembri fil-ħidma u fl-investigazzjoni tal-Pulizija dwar irrwol tiegħu fil-Panama Papers. Aġir li hu ferm ċensurabbli u anke illeċitu. Il-Pulizija kienu jafu illi l-kumpanija 17 Black kienet tappartjeni lil Yorgen Fenech, imprenditur kbir b’konnessjonijiet mill-qrib kemm ma’ politiċi ewlenin kif ukoll mac-Chief of Staff tal-Prim Ministru. Is-Sur Abdilla żvela wkoll li kien ġie deċiż illi jmorru jkellmu lil Fenech Portomaso iżda huma u sejrin hemmhekk ċempel lis-Sur Silvio Valletta u qalilhom biex iduru lura għaliex is-Sur Fenech dakinhar ma setax ikellimhom billi kien indispost. Ma kienux reġgħu marru ikellmuh u lanqas talbuh biex imur id-Depot tal-Pulizija ħalli jkellmuh.


Meta xehed l-ex Deputat Kummissarju Silvio Valletta, qal lill-Bord illi huwa kien għadda r-rapporti kollha li kienu daħlu mill-F.I.A.U. lil Ian Abdilla. Meta ħareġ fil-media illi s-17 Black allegatament kien jappartjeni lis-Sur Fenech u illi din il-kumpannija allegatament kienet maħsuba biex tgħaddi flus lil Keith Schembri u lil Konrad Mizzi, huwa afferma illi dak li jiġi trasmess lill-Pulizija mill-F.I.A.U. kien biss intelliġenza. Il-Pulizija ma tkunx tista’ tużaha meta tiġi biex tarresta lil xi ħadd u jkollha bilfors tagħtih il-“full disclosure”. Din kienet ukoll it-tezi tas-Sur Ian Abdilla.

Is-Sur Silvio Valletta żvela fatt inkwetanti dwar l-inċident meta Ian Abdilla u uffiċjal ieħor kienu ser imorru jkellmu lil Yorgen Fenech f’Portomaso. Qal lill-Bord li kien ċempillu Keith Schembri, iċ-Chief of Staff tal-Prim Ministru u qallu “mela ser tmorru tkellmu lil Yorgen Fenech għaliex semplicement deher rapport fit-Times?” Il-Bord jispjega illi r-rapport li deher fil-ġurnal Times of Malta kien jirreferi għal fatt illi Yorgen Fenech kien is-sid ta’ 17 Black. Keith Schembri ċempel lill-Pulizija, speċifikatament lil Silvio Valletta u qallu biex jordna lil Ian Abdilla u lill-Pulizija l-oħrajn ma jmorrux ikellmu lil Yorgen Fenech biex jinvestigaw dan il-fatt.

Dan huwa kaz ċar ta’ intralċ minn Keith Schembri fuq l-operat tal-Pulizija. Fix-xhieda tiegħu Silvio Valletta l-ewwel qal illi dakinhar illi kienu sejrin ikellmu lil Yorgen Fenech, Ian Abdilla kien ċempillu u qallu illi ma kienux sejrin ikellmuh għaliex kien indispost. Madanakollu meta l-Bord irrilevalu illi Ian Abdilla u oħrajn kienu xehdu li kien hu, jiġifieri Silvio Valletta li kien qalilhom biex ma jmorrux ikellmu lil Yorgen Fenech peress li dakinhar kien indispost, is-Sur Valletta qal illi ma jiftakarx. Ftakar biss illi ċempillu Keith Schembri u qallu illi l-Pulizija ma kellhiex għalfejn tmur tkellem lil Yorgen Fenech għaliex deher artikolu fuq ġurnal.


Dal-għodu ġie imħabbar liis-Sur Ian Abdilla ġie sospiż :

Ara rapport Malta Today, Illum u Times

Il-Ministru kien iħossu mwarrab : Silta (3) mill-Inkjesta

Il-konċentrazzjoni tal-poter u l-kitchen cabinet Dan l-istil ta’ gvern amministrat mill-Prim Ministru Muscat u dan il-modus operandi ġie konfermat b’mod inekwivoku mill-allura Ministru tal-Finanzi s-Sur Edward Scicluna illi minn rajh u mingħajr provokazzjoni da parti tal-Bord ikkonferma illi “bħal kull gvern u f’kull pajjiż ikun dak li ngħidulu ‘kitchen cabinet’ jiġifieri jkun hemm erba’ min-nies dejjem hemmhekk u jidħlu f’ċerti affarijiet”. Iddikjara li hu ma kienx parti minn dak il-“kitchen cabinet”. Il-Ministru kien iħossu mwarrab sal-punt li meta kien ikun id-dar “Kont ngħidilha – isma’ jien għandi esperjenza u dan kollu fin-negozjati, kif qatt ma jdaħħluni biex ninegozja? … fi kwalunkwe ħaġa …”. Mistoqsi biex jagħti l-ismijiet ta’ min kien jipparteċipa f’dan il-“kitchen cabinet” apparti l-Prim Ministru u Keith Scehmbri, l-Ministru Scicluna iddeklina li jagħmel hekk għaliex qal “Jien ma nistax insemmi ismijiet għal raġuni li din hija opinjoni tiegħi. Illi jiena ma kontx parti mill-‘inner core’; li tħossok li inti escluded minn ċerti affarijiet imma ma kellix dik l-intimitá mal-Prim Ministru …”.

Aktar tard elabora “kulħadd jaf bil-closeness ta’ Keith mal-Prim Ministru u li kienu almost one and the same fis-sens ta’ team. Fuq dawn il-proġetti li jissemmew tal-power plant u tal-isptarijiet kien hemm Konrad magħhom. Jiġifieri sa hemmhekk nista’ ngħid. Jiġifieri l-oħrajn ma nistax nikkonkludi li żgur kienu hemm jew le ma nistax ngħid”.

(pp. 128-9)

Moħħhom mistrieħ: Silta (2) mill-Inkjesta

Ma huwiex il-kompitu ta’ dan il-Bord li jidħol fil-meritu tal-pjan tal-assassinju jew min seta’ kien responsabbli ghalih peress li dan hu kompitu tal-Pulizija peró, ma jistax ma jirrimarkax li dawn iċ-ċirkostanzi nisslu is-serħan il-moħħ f’dawk li kellhom il-pjan li jesegwixxu d-delitt li ma kenux ser jinqabdu wara lassassinju. Vince Muscat semma’ partikolarment ex-Ministru. L-allegati eżekuturi tant kellhom moħħom mistrieħ li kienu jafu minn tlett gimgħat qabel li ser jiġu arrestati fl-4 ta’ Diċembru 2017 u kellhom l-opportunità jżarmaw l-ambjenti li kienu jokkupaw fil-magħrufa tinda tal-Patata l-Marsa. Dana ġie konfermat mill-allura Prim Ministru Dr. Joseph Muscat meta xehed (bil-magħluq pero’ wara disponibbli fid-dominju pubbliku) quddiem dan il-Bord fl-4 ta’ Diċembru 2020. “Jien illum il-ġurnata għandi suspett pjuttost fondat illi fil-laqgħa jew laqgħat li kienu qegħdin isiru qabel l-arrest tat-tlett persuni kien hemm leak… F’dawk il-laqgħat kien ikun hemm preżenti iva Keith Schembri u Silvio Valletta … imma huwa car illi l-persuni arrestati kienu jafu … it was a fact”. Vince Muscat xehed li ġie mogħti informazzjoni millaħwa Degiorgio li l-arrest tagħhom kellu jkun wieħed temporanju fejn wara larrest kellhom jiġu interrogati u meħlusa wara ftit ġranet. Fil-fatt ma kienux u dak li ġara wara huwa fid-dominju pubbliku. (pp.257-8)