Wara l-battibekk bejn Michael Briguglio u Marlene Farrugia

Il-battibekk bejn Michael Briguglio u Marlene Farrugia dwar il-byelection għas-siġġu Parlamentari ta’ Jean Pierre Debono jixħed dawl fuq il-forma (jew aħjar in-nuqqas ta’ forma) li għandha l-koalizzjoni imsejħa Forza Nazzjonali.

L-ideat tiegħi dwar din il-koalizzjoni dejjem kienu ċari. Koalizzjoni iva, imma mhux a kwalunkwe kost.

Sfortunatament il-koalizzjoni li iffurmaw bejniethom il-PN u l-PD hi sempliċiment alleanza aritmetika li ġiet iffurmata a bażi ta’ analiżi żbaljata tal-fehmiet tal-elettorat, għax kien hemm min ħaseb li kien viċin meta kien il-bogħod ħafna.

Hi koalizzjoni li saret bil-għaġġla u bla wisq ħsieb. Suppost kienet koalizzjoni favur il-governanza tajba u kontra l-korruzzjoni. Imma min mexa ħażin xorta kellu post prominenti fil-koalizzjoni. La ġie iċċensurat u wisq inqas kien hemm min ipprova jfisser x’tgħallem minn dawn l-iżbalji biex forsi tonqos il-possibilità li jkunu repetuti.

Id-deċiżjoni tal-Partit Demokratiku li jagħti direttiva lill-kandidati tiegħu biex jikkontestaw il-byelection għas-siġġu ta’ Jean Pierre Debono ma tistax tkun injorata għax hi rifless ta’ kif il-Partit Demokratiku jħares lejn il-koalizzjoni. Għax jekk l-imsieħba fil-koalizzjoni mhumiex kapaċi jaslu għal ftehim fuq xi ħaġa daqshekk sempliċi bħall-byelection, kif nistgħu nemmnu li jista’ jkun hemm qbil (fil-koalizzjoni) fuq issues ta’ politika ferm iktar ikkumplikati u li xi drabi jirrikjedu kompromessi mhux żgħar?

Il-pedamenti tal-koalizzjoni huma dgħajfa ħafna. Mhux kulħadd jaf x’inhu jagħmel.

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James Debono u s-suf t’għajnejja

 

Mela James Debono permezz ta’ artiklu ippubblikat illum fuq il-Malta Today żdied mal-lista ta’ dawk li qed jippruvaw joħorġu xi messaġġ politiku mis-suf t’għajnejja. Bħal dawk li jaqraw ix-xorti mill-weraq tat-te!

L-artiklu, avolja f’diversi aspetti hu inkorrett ma jdejjaqnix. Imma tajjeb li nwieġeb ftit.

James jargumenta li jiena u Arnold Cassola m’aħniex kapaċi nagħmlu kompromessi politiċi għax ma ftehmniex mal-PN bħalma għamel sieħbu, li waqt l-aħħar kampanja elettorali ipprova jaqdi l-funzjoni ta’ poster boy tal-PN.

Il-verità hi li l-PN mhux kompromessi ried imma sottomissjoni. Blank cheque. Ried jagħmel li jrid imma fl-istess ħin ried jgħodd il-voti flimkien għax kien mingħalih illi kien viċin u ħaseb li l-aritmetika setgħet tagħmel differenza.

Wara li dam tlett xhur itella’ u jniżżel jekk jiddiskutix magħna l-PN iddeċieda li jiddiskuti magħna ftit siegħat wara li kien ftiehem ma Marlene Farrugia.

Fi ftit kliem il-PN ried biss jimponi: jew fuq il-lista tiegħu jew xejn.

Stajna kieku ridna lagħbna id-double game bħal Marlene: taparsi niftehmu u nagħmlu ta’ rasna. Imma minnflok għażilna triq ċara u dritta.

Sal-lum jiena għadni konvint li f’AD għamilna l-għażla tajba, li bħal dejjem hi l-għażla d-diffiċli.

A gambit declined

 

The setting up of a pre-electoral alliance is a complex exercise. Alternattiva Demokratika recognised the strategic importance of forming pre-electoral alliances a long time ago – in fact, prior to the 2008 general election, it had (unsuccessfully) taken up such an initiative itself.

The actual result of the 2008 general election was so close that any pre-election alliance would have had a substantial impact on the final result. This was very clear in the polls commissioned and published in the run-up to that general election.  The difference in votes on a national level between the PN and the PL in the March 2008 general election was a mere 1580, with AD receiving 3810 votes first count votes.

When examining the possibility of forging a pre-election alliance there is generally a choice between two approaches to take: either a principle-based approach or a pragmatic one.

The principle-based approach for a pre-election alliance seeks a long-term view based on building bridges that can possibly withstand the test of time. A pre-election alliance based on principles is based on an agreed shared vision. Even if it is not all-encompassing, this can be easier for voters to identify with as it entails a positive proposal: the shared vision.

On the other hand, the pragmatic approach is one aimed solely at the desired result. It is arithmetically driven. It can signify the lumping together under one umbrella of all sorts of views with (possibly) a minimum common denominator.

The National Front pre-electoral alliance set up by Simon Busuttil and Marlene Farrugia  was, in my opinion, one of the latter. Not only did it include the Nationalist Party and the Democratic Party but also the fringe elements of the PN itself, which had previously been weeded out over the years as undesirables.

The National Front was a pragmatic exercise to the extent that an analysis of the actual votes cast clearly shows that the PD link with the PN resulted in no votes being added to the PN by the PD.  Some may argue, for example,  that votes cast for PD candidates in the fifth district (Marlene Farrugia’s home district),  helped the PN turning the tides on Labour by recapturing Labour’s fourth seat. This is not so, as the gain of an additional seat by the PN on the fifth district was exclusively due to boundary changes: the village of Marsaxlokk having been moved to the third district and it being substituted by the hamlet of Ħal-Farruġ from the sixth district.

The PN/PD alliance failed in its major arithmetic objective as it is clear that it failed to attract a significant number of disgruntled voters. Actually, it rather repelled them with its continuous negative messages and sent most of them back to Labour. Unfortunately, this failed attempt will dissuade any other attempt at alliance-building in the immediate future, as no political party enjoys being taken for a ride, as was Simon Busuttil’s party.

Declining the invitation to join  the National Front as an appendix to the PN  was the correct response from Alternattiva Demokratika. It was an exercise in foresight that has been proved right. Listening to “independent” journalists and self-centred intellectuals advocating the Busuttil/Farrugia National Front was a very sad experience, as these were the same people who should have taken the PN itself to task for its internal contradictions on issues of good governance. By endorsing the PN-led National Front, unfortunately, they ended up endorsing the PN’s misdemeanours when they should have been at the forefront of those insisting that the PN clean up its act before claiming any right to wear the suit of shining armour.

In another context, it was former PN Finance Minister Tonio Fenech who made the most appropriate statement earlier this week in the Malta Independent. Answering his own rhetorical question as to what the Nationalist Party stands for, Tonio Fenech replied: “The only true answer I can give is, I don’t know”.

And so say all of us.

published in the Malta Independent on Sunday – 18 June 2017

Bejn il-PN u l-AD : il-ħsieb wara d-diskussjoni

Ma nafx jekk hux tad-daħq inkella tal-biki.

Alternattiva Demokratika qed tkun ikkritikata minn uħud għax ma ftehmitx mal-PN. Oħrajn qed jikkritikawna anke għall-fatt li bdejna niddiskutu.

L-obbligu tagħna bħala partit politiku kien li neżaminaw dak li kien qed jintalab minna u nikkunsidraw jekk kellniex nieħdu posizzjoni.

Issa dak li konna mitluba nikkunsidraw konna ilna nafuh minn ħafna qabel il-laqgħa, għax dak li ftiehem il-PN mal-Partit ta Marlene Farrugia kien sostanzjalment magħruf. Allura l-analiżi tagħna għamilniha ferm qabel u morna ippreparati.

Ma qbilniex ma dak li kien qed jipproponi l-PN għax li tikkontesta fuq il-lista tal-PN, kif kien qed jitlob minna l-PN, bl-ebda mod ma seta jitqes bħala xi koalizzjoni. Allura ippreparajna proposta dettaljata dwar koalizzjoni li stajna niddiskutu. Konna ippreparati li niddiskutu u nsibu kompromessi dwar id-dettalji imma mhux dwar i-prinċipju : li koalizzjoni kellha tkun distinta mill-partiti li jiffurmawha.

Din il-proposta għamilniha għal tlett raġunijiet.

L-ewwel raġuni kienet li  s-suċċess tal-koalizzjoni jiddependi fuq kemm tkun kapaċi tiġbed lejha Laburisti diżillużi. Lill-parti l-kbira ta dawn il-Partit Nazzjonalista jimbutthom. Għalhekk ipproponejna li l-koalizzjoni tkun organizzata bmod differenti u bisem li ma jimbuttakx.

It-tieni raġuni kienet li ridna niddistakkaw ruħna mill-imġieba passata, anke dik riċenti, tal-PN. Il-PN kellu u għad għandu r-responsabbiltá li jerfa s-slaleb tiegħu. Il-forma tal-koalizzjoni kellha tkun tali li tnaqqas il-possibilitá li bxi mod nagħtu l-messaġġ li għalina xejn mhu xejn.

It-tielet raġuni kienet li ridna nassiguraw ruħna li dak li stajna niftehmu dwaru kien ikun aċċettabbli għall-membri kif ukoll għalll-votanti tagħna. Konna nafu li qatt ma konna ser nogħġbu lil kulħadd. Għax hemm min riedna niftehmu akkost ta kollox u hemm min ma ried ftehim taħt l-ebda ċirkustanza. Żewġ posizzjonijiet estremi li t-tnejn kienu żbaljati.

It-triq li tipprova tiftiehem kienet diffiċli għax il-PN ukoll kellu r-raġunijiet (interni) tiegħu li jiġġustifikaw il-posizzjoni tiegħu. Konna nafu li l-qbil fil-PN dwar il-ftehim mal-Partit ta Marlene Farrugia ma kienx faċli biex jinkiseb. U dan dwar ftehim one-sided favur il-PN. Aħseb u ara meta tittratta dwar ftehim sostanzjalment differenti u bil-bosta iktar ikkumplikat.

Spiċċajna ma għamilna l-ebda ftehim għax ma baqax ħin. Għax naħseb li biktar ħin il-PN kien ikollu iktar ċans li jikkonsidra l-proposta ta AD u anke jekk wara li jkun ikkonsidra emendi, jasal biex jiftiehem.

Għax ir-raġuni ma tridx forza.

Kemm jiena kif ukoll sħabi konna nippreferu kieku wasalna, imma l-kundizzjonijiet tal-PN kienu impossibli li jistgħu jkunu aċċettati minn partit politiku li għandu l-minimu ta rispett lejh innifsu.

Ftehim serju jieħu żżmien biex tikkonkludieh u iktar u iktar ftehim ta din ix-xorta, li, tkun xi tkun il-forma tiegħu, ser ikun ikkritikat kemm minn persuni ġenwini kif ukoll minn oħrajn li mhumiex   

Jiena nifhem li bħalissa fuq il-media soċjali hawn ħafna esperti li qed jagħtuna l-pariri tagħhom dwar dak li messna għamilna. Jiena għandi tweġiba waħda biss: għamilna dak li emminna li kien l-aħjar fiċċirkustanzi.

Għad baqa’ biss ftit siegħat ċans

Kultant jiġini d-dubju eżattament xi jrid il-Partit Nazzjonalista.

Nhar it-13 ta Frar li għadda kont il-Parlament għal laqgħa tal-Kumitat dwar l-Abbozzi tal-Liġijiet. Kien ġie fuqi Mario de Marco. Wara li irrefera għall-artiklu tiegħi fl-Independent on Sunday ġurnata qabel intitolat Basics for Coalition Building.

Staqsieni jekk kontx tal-fehma li invista ta dak li ktibt kien hemm bażi raġonevoli biex niltaqgħu il-PN u l-AD ħalli naraw jekk hemmx lok għal ftehim. Wara li tkellimt ma Arnold Cassola jiena tajtu risposta posittiva.

Imma wara li għaddiet ġimgħa u ma smajt xejn għidt li ma jridux jafu.

Għaddew 10 ġimgħat sakemm it-Tnejn 24 tApril ċempilli Mario de Marco biex niltaqgħu u fil-fatt iltqajna nhar il-Ġimgħa 28 tApril, wara biss erbat ijiem.

Dan qed ngħidu biex min qed jaħseb li qagħda nittratjenu u ħallejna għall-aħħar jifhem li dan mhux il-każ.

Għad baqa ftit siegħat ċans biex jintlaħaq ftehim. Tajjeb li nifhmu li n-nuqqas ta qbil hu fuq raġuni waħda. Mhux dwar l-isem kif qed jingħad. Imma dwar il-fatt li l-kandidati kollha tal-koalizzjoni jeħtieġihom jippreżentaw ruħhom bħala kandidati tal-PN fuq il-lista elettorali tal-PN kif jgħid il-ftehim bejn il-PN u l-Partit Demokratiku ta Marlene Farrugia.

Dan il-ftehim jinjora faxxa kbira ta votanti li lesti jivvutaw kontra l-partit ta Joseph Muscat imma mhux favur il-Partit Nazzjonalista. L-unika soluzzjoni hi lista elettorali separata mill-partiti li jiffurmaw il-koalizzjoni.

Il-PN għandu document ta tmien paġni imħejji minn AD li jispjega kif dan kollu jista jsir.

Baqa ftit siegħat.

Meta ma jkunx għad baqa ħin nittama li ħadd ma jiġi jeqred.

Reflecting political diversity

 

 

On Friday afternoon, delegations from Alternattiva Demokratika and Partit Nazzjonalista met to discuss whether – and if so to what extent – it would be possible to forge a pre-electoral alliance between the two political parties in view of the forthcoming general election.

Earlier in the day, the PN delegation had briefed the press on the approval by the PN Executive Committee on Thursday of an agreement between the PN and the Democratic Party of Marlene Farrugia.

AD has always been in favour of building a pre-electoral alliance. Such an alliance is necessitated by a weakness in one or more of the major political players, in this case the PN. The state of play of the electoral rules lead to the need of a pre-electoral alliance but so far, however, this is unchartered territory.

AD has criticised the PN in the past, and will continue to criticise it whenever it considers such criticism necessary.  The PN has been criticised by AD for its performance in office as well as for the discrepancies between what it declares as its beliefs and how it then subsequently acts. Such criticism does not exclude the possibility of cooperating with the PN and the possibility of considering the forging of an electoral alliance, provided the right conditions are created.

AD has criticised the PN for not properly handling its MPs.

Claudio Grechs declaration that he did not recollect ever meeting George Farrugia of oil corruption fame is incredulous: yet Simon Busuttil did not take him to task publicly on the matter. It was necessary, but he did not do it. As a result, Simon Busuttil gave the clear message that he is weak when dealing with his MPs when they are evasive. This is not acceptable.

Nor was Beppe Fenech Adami chastised for his error of judgement in relation to the directorship  of Capital One Ltd: he should not be immune to disciplinary action.

Mario Demarcos db consultancy ended up one notch higher, with an apology – a rare event in Maltese politics.  But Simon Busuttils role in the fake invoice debacle is still pending and he must come to terms with the facts at the earliest possible opportunity.

Toni Bezzinas ODZ experiences, whilst pontificating on the merits of environmental protection, were also swept under the carpet by Simon Busuttil.

AD would have preferred to deal with a PN which does not come with this baggage, but everyone knows that this is not possible. To exacerbate matters, the Labour Party – the alternative – is much worse.

The Labour Party is in absolute shambles. This fact should not lead to the erasure or absolution of the PNs misdemeanours: they are, and will remain, on the books, acting as a constant reminder of what should be avoided. But certainly they should never be forgotten. This is part of the baggage that the PN will bring to a pre-electoral alliance.

When considering the setting up of a pre-electoral alliance, one must understand that the result will be much more than the summing up of the individual parts. It should certainly denote a change in attitude and philosophy and should be accompanied by an appropriate name that reflects the new direction planned.   

The selection of an appropriate name for the pre-electoral alliance is of paramount importance as it is the first indicator of a willingness to change. In addition, it has to be a true reflection of the political diversity in the DNA of the proposed alliance. It is only with clear signs of the will to change that voters will consider supporting the alliance.

Agreement on the general political principles that should guide the alliance is encouraging. These are primarily institutional and governance issues but also matters of basic environmental concern and governance.

At Fridays meeting AD presented the PN with a detailed and specific proposal that set the tone of the discussion.  

The identified stumbling block was the name of the proposed pre-electoral alliance. Unfortunately, the Democratic Party of Marlene Farrugia – most probably due to the inexperience of those advising her – did not realise the significance of the matter. She did not realise that accepting the PN as the alliance to which the Democratic Party was to be appended, was a very wrong signal.

The name should reflect the nature of the alliance: an umbrella organisation of separate and independent political parties cooperating in the political project of reconstructing Maltas shattered institutions.  One thing should, however, be clear to everyone: AD will not be an appendage in the proposed alliance. AD will be an active and critical partner and not a subservient appendage.

published in The Malta Independent on Sunday – 30 April 2017

 

Nibnu l-pontijiet ………. imma fuq pedamenti addattati

 

Kif ħabbar il-Malta Today dal-għodu, l-Partit Nazzjonalista talab biex jiltaqa ma’ Alternattiva Demokratika bl-iskop li jkun identifikat jekk hux possibli li jkun hemm xi forma ta kooperazzjoni bejn iżżewġ partiti, u dan fid-dawl tal-qagħda politika preżenti.

Qatt mhu ħażin li titkellem, anke jekk ma daqqa tgħajn jidhru li hemm differenzi mhux żgħar.

Kif anke ġie kkwotat Mario de Marco mill-Malta Today, il-kooperazzjoni li jrid il-PN hi dwar il-lista elettorali! Il-PN diġa kważi wasal għal ftehim mal-Partit Demokratiku ta Marlene Farrugia biex possibilment il-kandidati ta dak il-partit jdhru fil-lista elettorali taħt l-isem tal-Partit Nazzjonalista. Il-PN u l-PD, dan l-eżerċizzju qed isejħulu koalizzjoni.

Fil-fehma tiegħi dan hu kollox barra koalizzjoni.

Alternattiva Demokratika sejra għal-laqgħa mal-PN bmoħħ miftuħ, bla preġudizzji imma bideat ċari kif diġa kelli l-opportunita li nispjega fuq dan il-blog matul il-ġimgħat li għaddew.

Il-bierah, tard fil-għaxija, fdiskussjoni fuq  it-telefon li kelli ma Karol Aquilina, President tal-Kunsill Amministrattv, Mario de Marco Viċi Kap tal-PN u Simon Busuttil innifsu, ftehmna li l-laqgħa esploratorja bejn l-AD u l-PN issir nhar il-Ġimgħa li ġejja.

Ta Alternattiva Demokratika sejrin għal din il-laqgħa brieda tajba, lesti li nagħtu l-kontribut tagħna biex jinbnew il-pontijiet. Imma l-ewwel irridu naċċertaw ruħna li l-pedamenti huma addattati.

Bħan-nagħaġ ta’ Bendu

naghag-ta-bendu

Il-viżjoni li għandu l-Partit Nazzjonalista dwar il-politika fMalta tipprova tittratta lill-votanti bħan-nagħaġ ta Bendu. Għax il-ħarsien tad-demokrazija u d-drittijiet fundamentali, skond il-PN u s-segwaċi fidili tiegħu, huma assigurati biss permezz tal-Partit Nazzjonalista u għaldaqstant it-taqbida t-tajba tista issir biss permezz tiegħu u taħt it-tmexxija tiegħu.

Għal uħud, il-pluraliżmu hu tajjeb biss għaċċikkulata u, forsi, ftit għax-xandir!

Matul ix-xhur li ġejjin, bħalma jiġri kważi qabel kull elezzjoni ġenerali, bla dubju qed tikber l-għajta tal-Partit Nazzjonalista u ta dawk li jinċensawh dwar il-ħtieġa ta koalizzjoni kontra Joseph Muscat u l-Partit Laburista u dak kollu li dawn jirrappreżentaw.

Il-politika ta Simon Busuttil tidher differenti minn dik tal-predeċessur tiegħu. Lawrence Gonzi kien esprima lilu innifsu diversi drabi kontra anke l-idea innifisha ta koalizzjoni li ġieli ddeskriviha bħala kalċI avvelenat li jippreferi li ma jmissx.

Imma fir-realtá, għalkemm Simon Busuttil qed jipprietka ħafna dwar koalizzjoni kontra l-korruzzjoni, fil-prattika qed imexxi l-quddiem process ta assimilizzazzjoni ta kull min jaħseb li jista jikkompeti lill-Partit Nazzjonalista għall-voti, anke bl-iżjed mod remot. Beda bSalvu Mallia li illum hu parti mill-Partit Nazzjonalista u presentement għaddej bil-proċess tal-assimilazzjoni tal-partit ta Marlene Farrugia. Milli qed jingħad jidher li dan il-proċess wasal fit-tmiem tiegħu.

Koalizzjoni ma issirx billi nimxu bħan-nagħaġ ta Bendu wara l-Partit Nazzjonalista. Imma issir bejn partiti politiċi differenti wara li dawn jaqblu fuq programm politiku komuni kif ukoll dwar il-mod kif dan għandu jitwettaq. Għandi dubju kemm il-Partit Nazzjonalista qatt jista jasal li mhux biss jagħmel xi forma ta kompromess fuq il-proposti li jrid ipoġġi quddiem l-elettorat, imma iktar minn hekk dwar kemm hu lest li jaċċetta li jikkampanja ukoll favur ideat u idejali ta partiti politiċI oħra. Għax jekk ser nitkellmu fuq koalizzjoni pre-elettorali jfisser li jrid ikun ifformulat programm politiku aċċettabbli għall-elementi kollha ta din il-koalizzjoni.

Programm politiku ta koalizzjoni pre-elettorali jinvolvi ferm iktar minn ġlieda kontra l-korruzzjoni u t-tisħiħ tat-tmexxija tajba fl-istrutturi tal-istat. Jinkludi firxa sħiħa ta oqsma li dwarhom partiti politiċi differenti għandhom fehmiet differenti. Xi drabi differenzi żgħar imma xi minn daqqiet differenzi sostanzjali. Dan ma jgħoddx biss għall-politika ambjentali, imma jgħodd ukoll għall-edukazzjoni, għall-politika soċjali kif ukoll għall-politika fiskali, dik ekonomika u dik kulturali, fost oħajn.

Koalizzjoni politika teħtieġ li tkun mibnija fuq dan il-pedament bażiku, jiġifieri ftehim programmatiku, inkella ma jkollix direzzjoni jew skop ċar għajr li tiġbor lil kulħadd fmerħla waħda l-uniku skop reali li jidher li għandu bħalissa l-Partit Nazzjonalista.

Koalizzjoni li issir bxi mod ieħor tkun biss ezerċizzju li jittratta lill-Maltin bħan-nagħaġ ta Bendu.

ippubblikat fuq Illum : 12 ta’ Frar 2017

 

Basics for coalition building

green-light

It happens on the eve of most general elections in Malta. We are once more being bombarded with comments emphasising the need to set up a pre-electoral coalition in order to present a united opposition to Joseph Muscats Labour Party.

The Leader of the Opposition, as a self-appointed messiah, has reiterated many a time that the country can only be delivered from the clutches of corruption if it unites under his leadership in opposition to Joseph Muscat, the Labour Party and all that they represent. It is claimed that he can deliver us from all evil!

In public fora, Simon Busuttil speaks in favour of setting up a coalition against corruption, yet privately – far away from the glaring spotlight – he is actively working on trying to assimilate within the Nationalist Party those whom he thinks can help increase his own partys vote tally. He has successfully recruited Salvu Mallia and is apparently currently in the final stages of the process of assimilating Marlene Farrugias Democratic Party within the Nationalist Party.  

In my view this can in no way be described as the manner in which to go about assembling a pre-electoral coalition of political parties. Rather, it is an attempt by the Nationalist Party at cannibalising other political parties, an exercise which, in fairness, has been going on for years. Just like the Labour Party, the Nationalist Party has, to date, demonstrated that the only coalition that made any sense to them was the one within their own parties, as both of them have, over the years, developed into grand coalitions – at times simultaneously championing diametrically opposed causes.

Real pre-electoral coalitions are assembled in a quite different manner. They should be formed on the basis of a commonly agreed political platform – one which plots an agreed electoral programme as well as the manner in which this should be implemented by the coalition partners.

Given its method of operation to date, I have reasonable doubts as to whether the Nationalist Party is able to compromise on its electoral pledges as well as to whether it can ever agree to take on board (at least) the basic issues championed by the other political parties with which it may seek to form a coalition. If a pre-electoral  coalition is ever to be formed, the coalitions electoral platform must be acceptable to all the constituent elements of that coalition.

An agreed electoral platform would address much more than issues of corruption and governance – on which there is a general common position. An agreed electoral platform would necessarily be all-embracing and range from environmental matters to education, social, economic, fiscal and cultural policy, as well as all other matters so essential in running the country.

A pre-electoral coalition must of necessity be constructed on the basis of this agreed electoral platform, a crystallisation of thought and political direction shared by the political parties forming the coalition. The process to achieve such an agreed shared electoral platform is long and laborious, as a multitude of red lines have to be agreed on or else overcome. It is an exercise that should be based on mutual respect in contrast to the often acrimonious relationship so prevalent in local politics.

By its very nature, a pre-electoral coalition, if formed, signifies a commitment to do away with, once and for all, two-party politics and consequently signifies the substitution of the politics of confrontation with the politics of consensus.

This would be a watershed in Maltese politics and this is the real challenge, if we wish to move forward.

published in The Malta Independent on Sunday: 12 February 2017

Marlene u l-maduma

 marlene-farrugia-simon-busuttil

Rajt l-intervista ippubblikata illum ma Marlene Farrugia fuq l-Independent online.

Sfortunatament, Marlene tparla wisq u ħafna drabi tparla qabel ma tkun ħasbet biżżejjed. Dan iservi biex tkisser l-intenzjonijiet tajba kollha li jkun hemm, tagħha u ta’ dawk kollha madwarha. Għax tispiċċa tikkomettihom mingħajr ma jkunu għadhom fetħu ħalqhom.

Għandha kull dritt li tiddeċiedi li tikkontesta l-elezzjoni taħt l-umbrella tal-PN – jew kif ġiet rappurtata li “ma teskludix” li tikkontesta l-elezzjoni taħt il-maduma. Imma jkun ħafna interessanti kieku jkun magħruf jekk din hiex deċiżjoni tagħha inkella jekk hiex deċiżjoni tal-partit “tagħha”. 

Fil-passat riċenti Marlene kienet saħqet (ġustament) li l-ewwel kien meħtieġ li jkunu stabiliti l-parametri programmatiċi u kien biss wara dan il-pass li seta  jkun ikkunsidrat l-livell ta’ kooperazzjoni possibli. L-għaġġla li biha qed ikunu ikkomunikati d-deċiżjonijiet jindikaw li l-politika ewlenija tal-Partit Demokratiku hi l-impulsivitá. Din hi ħasra għax fil-bidu kien hemm il-potenzjal.

L-impulsivitá tfisser li l-muskoli tal-ħalq jgħaġġlu iktar mill-moħħ. It-tlablib isir bla ma jkun hemm il-ħsieb neċessarju. Dan inevitabilment iwassal għal żbalji tattiċi madornali li l-impatti tagħhom mhux la kemm tqum minnhom.