Lejn politika dwar is-sigurtà meħtieġa fl-enerġija

Il-politika ta’ Malta dwar l-enerġija teħtieġ li tassigura li jkollna l-enerġija elettrika li neħtieġu u li din, safejn hu possibli ma tkunx dipendenti fuq wisq fatturi varjabbli.

Nhar l-Erbgħa, għal darb’oħra kellna qtugħ fil-provista tal-elettriku fil-parti l-kbira tal-pajjiż.  Kien qtugħ li ma damx għax il-ħaddiema tal-Enemalta, b’dedikazzjoni, solvew il-problema f’qasir żmien.  Imma, sal-ħin li qed nikteb dak li wassal għall-qtugħ tal-provista tal-elettriku għadu mhux magħruf.

Dan seħħ wara qtugħ ieħor nhar l-10 ta’ Frar, qtugħ li kien ferm iktar mifrux. Dakinnhar konna infurmati li kien hemm il-problemi ġejjin mill- interconnector tal-enerġija elettrika bejn Malta u Sqallija.

Waqt il-maltempata li ħakmet il-gżejjer Maltin il-ġimgħa l-oħra, it-tanker tal-gass kien skunnettjat għal xi siegħat bħala miżura ta’ prewkazzjoni, biex ikunu evitati inċidenti u ħsara. F’dan il-ħin kritiku, minn Delimara ma ħadniex farka elettriku għax il-gass kien skunnettjat. Riżultat ta’ dan konna dipendenti għal kollox fuq l-interconnector ma’ Sqallija għall-elettriku f’dak il-ħin.  Huwa f’dan il-kuntest li għal kważi sagħtejn sħaħ l-interconnector ma kienx qed jiffunzjona: l-parti l-kbira tal-gżejjer Maltin kienu bla elettriku, simultanjament la kien qed jaħdem l-interconnector u l-anqas il-power station ta’ Delimara! Dik sigurta!

L-incidenti jseħħu l-ħin kollu. Dak li ġara, iżda, ma jistax ikun deskritt bħala incident. Kien il-konsegwenza loġika tal-politika dwar il-ġenerazzjoni tal-enerġija f’dawn il-gżejjer. Hu riżultat tal-fiduċja għamja fl-interconnector li wasslitna għal dipendenza sħiħa fuqu. Tant din il-fiduċja għamja rabbiet għeruq fondi li issa qed jippjanaw it-tieni interconnector biex issa jassiguraw li nkunu għal kollox dipendenti fuqhom. Flok ma jnaqqas id-dipendenza fil-qasam tal-enerġija dan il-Gvern qed jippjana li jżidha!

Min qed jaqra bla dubju jiftakar dwar id-drabi li ankri tal-vapuri għamlu ħsara lill-interconnector tal-enerġija bejn Malta u Sqallija. Dan seħħ ftit il-barra mill-kosta ta’ Sqallija meta tanker li jtajjar il-bandiera ta’ Singapore bl-isem Di Matteo ikkawża ħsara kbira fl-interconnector fl-2019 ftit il-barra minn Ragusa. Dan seħħ ukoll ftit il-barra minn mal-kosta ta’ Baħar iċ-Ċagħaq meta il-vapur Chem P kważi nkalja f’Marzu 2022. L-ankra tiegħu tkaxkret ma’ qiegħ il-baħar u anke dakinnhar saret ħsara sostanzjali lill-interconnector.

L-interconnector hu kalamita għal dawn l-inċidenti, kemm fl-ibħra Maltin kif ukoll f’dawk Sqallin. Bit-traffiku marittimu li hawn f’dawn l-inħawi, dawn l-inċidenti ser jibqgħu jigru. Ftit li xejn jistgħu jkunu evitati

Ħadd f’sensieh ma għandu jippjana t-twettieq ta’politika enerġetika dipendenti fuq sitwazzjoni bħal din. Imma dan hu eżattament dak li ġara: hekk ippjanaw, u hekk wettqu l-gvernijiet Maltin, wieħed wara l-ieħor!   Sfortunatament l-istat attwali tal-politika tal-enerġija ta’ Malta hi riżultat ta’ din il-kwalità ta’ tmexxija ħażina. L-insulti u l-kliem dispreġġjattiv waqt is-seduti Parlamentari ma jsolvu xejn.

Fir-realtà hu irrelevanti jekk l-interconnector żviluppax il-ħsara minħabba li kien qed jintuża żżejjed inkella jekk żviluppax il-ħsara riżultat ta’ xi ħaġa oħra. Ir-realtà li irridu niffaċċjaw hi li l-qtugħ tad-dawl qed ikun frekwenti u li dan mhux aċċettabbli.

L-ispiża biex tissewwa l-ħsara li ġarrab l- interconnector hi waħda sostanzjali. Imma din mhi xejn ħdejn il-ħsara li qed issir lill-ekonomija tal-pajjiż u lir-reputazzjoni tiegħu riżultat ta’politika tal-enerġija bla sens.  

Jeħtieġ li nifhmu li huwa mportanti li nagħtu l-attenzjoni xierqa lill-politika dwar l-enerġija. It-tieni   interconnector m’għandniex bżonnu! Minflok neħtieġu li nintensifikaw il-ħidma biex tiżdied il-ġenerazzjoni ta’ enerġija rinovabbli. Hu meħtieġ ukoll li naċċelleraw ix-xogħol li qieġhed isir biex tissaħħaħ is-sistema tad-distribuzzjoni tal-elettriku għax dan jagħmilha possibli li niġġeneraw iktar enerġija rinovabbli minn fuq il-bjut tad-djar tagħna.  Sakemm is-sistema tad-distribuzzjoni tal-elettriku tissaħħaħ, dan il-potenzjal huwa limitat.

Proġetti kbar immirati biex tkun iġġenerata iktar enerġija rinovabbli permezz ta’ iktar investiment jistgħu jimxu id f’id ma’proġetti żgħar fuq il-bjut tad-djar tagħna. Jekk dan isir sewwa nistgħu mmorru lil hinn mill-mira li hemm fl-abbozz tal-istrateġija nazzjonali dwar l-iżvilupp sostenibbli li  b’mod inspjegabbli tillimata is-sehem tal-enerġija rinovabbli għall-11.5 fil-mija tal-enerġija li nużaw. Għandna bżonn li jkollna miri ferm iktar ambizzjużi minn hekk!  Mira ta’ 50 fil-mija għall-enerġja rinovabbli fuq perjodu ta’ għaxar snin tkun ferm iktar addattata għal dak li neħtieġu bħala pajjiż. Bla miri ambizzjużi ftit hemm ċans li nilħqu l-mira ta’ newtralità fl-emissjonijiet tal-karbonju sal-2050.

Meta jimmaterjalizza l-pipeline tal-gass li jkun jista’ jintuża ukoll biex nużw l-idroġenu, dan, waħdu ma jkunx biżżejjed biex nilħqu l-miri meħtieġa fit-triq għan-newtralita karbonika.

Il-Gvernijiet Maltin, fil-passat kienu kuntenti jħabbru li rnexxielhom jinnegozjaw tnaqqis fil-mira ta’ Malta dwar il-ġenerazzjoni ta’ enerġija rinovabbli minn 20 għal 10 fil-mija.  Issa irridu “ngawdu” l-piż ta’ din il-politika bla viżjoni fit-tul, politika mijopika. Jekk ma nibdlux ir-rotta ma nistgħux nimxu l-quddiem lejn politika realistika li tassigura s-sigurtà tal-provista tal-enerġija tagħna fost oħrajn billi telimina d-dipendenza li għandna fuq l-interconnector bejn Malta u Sqallija, kemm dak li għandna kif ukoll dak ipproġettat.

Towards a much-needed energy security policy

Malta’s energy policy must necessarily ensure that we have a constant supply of electrical energy which, as far as is reasonable, is not dependable on too many variable factors.

On Wednesday morning for the umpteenth time, we had an unplanned power cut across the islands. It was brief as Enemalta’s dedicated labour force restored power in a short time. At the time of writing the cause of the power cut is still unknown.

This follows another power cut, much more widespread, on 10 February, when, we were informed that there were problems with the Malta-Sicily energy interconnector.

During the storm which battered the Maltese islands last week the LNG tanker was temporarily out of action for a number of hours as a safety precaution. During this critical time the electricity normally supplied by the Delimara power station had to be made good for by the interconnector. It is within this context, the interconnector, was, for around two long hours inoperative with a large part of the islands being without electricity, as neither the interconnector nor the Delimara power station were functioning simultaneously. How is that for energy security?

Accidents do happen. This was however no accident! It was the logical consequence of the politics of energy generation in these islands. It is a case of trusting too much the interconnector and being dependent on it. This misplaced trust is so much ingrained in the local political set-up that a second interconnector is planned: this will ensure that we are completely dependent on the interconnectors. Instead of reducing energy dependency government strives to increase it!

Readers would undoubtedly remember the number of times ship anchors have damaged the energy interconnector between Malta and Sicily. It happened off the coast of Sicily when the anchors of the Singaporean flagged tanker Di Matteo caused extensive damage to the interconnector in December 2019 off the Ragusa coast. It also happened just off the Baħar iċ-Ċagħaq coast when the vessel Chem P almost ran aground in March 2022. It dragged its anchor along the seabed causing extensive damage to the interconnector in the process.

The interconnector is clearly accident prone, both in Maltese waters as well as in the Sicilian Channel. Due to the substantial maritime traffic in the region, these accidents will inevitably re-occur.

No one in his right senses would plan the implementation of an energy policy dependent on these factors. But this is just what successive Maltese governments have planned and implemented. Unfortunately, the current state of Malta’s energy policy is the direct result of its mismanagement. The trading of insults across the parliamentary chamber will not solve anything.

Its immaterial whether the interconnector tripped as a result of being overloaded or whether it developed a fault as a result of something else. The net result is that power stoppage is becoming to frequent an occurrence, and this is unacceptable.

The expense incurred in repairs to the interconnector are substantial. This is however insignificant when compared to the damage which is being inflicted on our economy and on the country’s reputation as a result of a myopic energy policy.

We need to get our energy priorities right very quickly. Plans for a second interconnector should be scrapped the soonest. Instead, the current drive to increase the generation of renewable energy should be intensified. Likewise, we should accelerate the reinforcement of our electricity distribution system as this would make it possible to increase the generation of renewable energy from the rooftops of our dwellings. This potential is currently capped as a result of a distribution system which cannot handle the increased electricity load which would be generated as a result of a larger input of renewable energy from our households.

Macro-projects aimed at generating more renewable energy as a result of business investment can co-exist with micro-projects handled by our households. If this is done properly, maybe we can go much further then projected in the draft National Sustainable Development Strategy which mysteriously has us anchored at an “11.5 per cent share of renewable energy in gross final energy consumption”. We need more ambitious targets than that! Achieving a 50 per cent target for renewable energy generation over a ten-year timeframe would be more suitable to our needs and requirements. Without ambitious targets we will never achieve the 2050 carbon neutrality objective.

The projected pipeline which, when it materialises could possibly be used to switch over from LNG to hydrogen will, on its own be insufficient in the march towards carbon neutrality.

Maltese governments have in the past years been happy in announcing successful negotiations in reducing EU renewable energy targets applicable to Malta from 20 to 10 per cent. We are now shouldering the consequences of that myopic policy. It is about time that we change course. Only then can we move steadfastly towards a realistic policy which ensures our energy security, shedding in the process our dependence on the existing and projected interconnectors between Malta and Sicily.

published on The Malta Independent on Sunday: 19 February 2023

Luigi Di Maio’s threat

US President Donald Trump, over breakfast with NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, unleashed a blistering criticism of Angela Merkel’s government for being too supportive of Russia’s natural gas pipeline, which provides natural gas to various European states. Germany is too dependent on Russian natural gas, said Donald Trump. Is it appropriate for Angela Merkel’s Germany to do away with energy sovereignty and security in this manner? Being too dependent on Putin’s Russia is not on, he suggested.

Malta also may have its energy sovereignty and security hanging by a string.

Only last month we were reminded by Italian Deputy Prime Minister, Luigi di Maio that Malta’s electricity interconnector supply is plugged in at Ragusa on the Sicilian mainland. The comment was made in the context of the savage debate that developed over the rescue operations involving drowning immigrants picked up from the Mediterranean Sea by NGO operated sea vessels.

The Cinque Stelle politician considered it appropriate to use the Ragusa plug-in for political leverage in the same manner that Vladimir Putin makes use of his Russian gas supply, in relation not just to Angela Merkel’s Germany, but to most of the European mainland.

The fact that Malta is at times too dependent on the Ragusa electricity supply makes matters worse. We have undoubtedly lost count over the last months regarding the number of times we have been subjected to an electricity black-out in Malta: the standard explanation being that there was some technical hitch on either side of the Sicilian Channel which was being taken care of.

Malta will shortly have another Sicilian plug-in, this time a gas pipeline most probably at Gela.

Like the electricity interconnector plugged in at Ragusa the gas-pipeline plugged in at Gela will be another commercial undertaking. Malta will be paying for its gas, just as much as it is paying for its electricity.

Luigi Di Maio’s thinly veiled threat was obviously that the existing electricity plug-in at Ragusa was there at the Italian government’s pleasure which could reverse any commitment entered into so far if the Maltese government persists in irritating it.

It is not known whether there was any follow-up to Di Maio’s declaration, accept that the Maltese government closed all ports to NGO-operated vessels and that criminal proceedings were initiated against the MV Lifeline captain on flimsy sea-vessel registration charges.

This is unfortunately in-line with the Di Maio/Salvini philosophy that good Samaritans have to be treated suspiciously.

At the time of writing, another sea vessel with 450 migrants on board is sailing through Malta’s search and rescue area towards Sicily with Matteo Salvini, Minister for the Interior, insisting that Italy’s ports are closed for such vessels.

What next?

Potentially, as a result of the closure of Maltese and Italian ports, this is another developing tragedy. Di Maio’s veiled threat, maybe, has been taken seriously by the Maltese government.

Such incidents send one clear message: the foundations of solidarity as a value have heavily eroded. It has been transformed into a slogan. Solidarity is one of the basic values of the European Union – it is not limited to the EU’s border states. Successive Maltese governments have tried to nudge other EU member states to shoulder this collective responsibility which is currently shouldered disproportionately by the border states. The response from nine members states when the MV Lifeline debacle came to the fore was encouraging, but it is certainly not enough.

Faced with racist and xenophobic overreactions, opting for solidarity is not an easy choice. It would be certainly helpful if more EU states put solidarity into practice. The problem is that not all of them are convinced that this is the only ethical way forward.

published in the Malta Independent on Sunday – 15 July 2018

Nuclear myth and Malta’s neighbours

 

 

 

published on Saturday March 26, 2011

 

April 26 marks the 25th anniversary of the Chernobyl nuc­lear disaster, which affected 40 per cent of European territory.

Sicilians (but not the Maltese) were then advised on precautions to be observed in order to avoid the effects of airborne radioactive contamination on agricultural produce. In the UK, until very recently, a number of farms were still under observation after having been contaminated through airborne radioactive caesium in 1986. Wild boar hunted in Germany’s forests cannot be consumed. Its food-chain is still contaminated with radioactive caesium, which was dispersed all over Europe as a result of the Chernobyl disaster.

The Fukushima disaster has occurred in efficient and safety-conscious Japan.

Nature has taken over, confirming its supremacy over the risk society; confirming that even the smallest risk is unacceptable in nuclear projects as this exposes nations, ecosystems, economies and whole regions to large-scale disasters.

The myth that nuclear technology is safe has been shattered once more at Fukushima.

In addition to the disasters at Three Mile Island (1979) and Chernobyl (1986), there were also a number of near misses such as that on June 4, 2008 in Krško on the Slovenia/Croatia border. In Krško, leaking coolant water was minutes away from causing a meltdown of the nuclear installation. The leakages of coolant water from nuclear plants in the Tricastin region in France in July 2008 are also of particular significance.

Malta is faced with plans by Italy, Libya, Tunisia and others to generate nuclear energy.

Libya has agreed with France to be provided with a nuclear plant along its coast to carry out seawater desalination. Fortunately, this agreement has so far not materialised. One shudders just thinking on the possibilities which access to nuclear technology in the civil war on Libyan soil could lead to.

The Berlusconi government, ignoring the result of a 1987 Italian referendum, has embarked on a nuclear programme that could lead to the construction and operation of a number of nuclear installations on Italian soil. One of these will be sited in Sicily.

The locality of Palma di Montechiaro has been mentioned as the preferred site although an area near Ragusa is also under consideration. Both Palma di Montechiaro and Ragusa are situated along Sicily’s southern coast and are too close to Malta for comfort. A serious accident there could have an immediate effect on Malta. Moreover, this is the area which was most affected by a 1693 earthquake that caused considerable damage in both Ragusa and Malta.

This contrasts with the declaration last week by Abdelkater Zitouni, leader of Tunisie Verte, the Tunisian Green party, who has called on Tunisia’s transitional government to abandon the 2020 project of a nuclear plant in Tunisia.

What is the Maltese government doing on the matter?

There is no information in the public domain except an article published in Il Sole 24 Ore on July 26, 2008 authored by Federico Rendina and entitled Il Governo Rilancia Sull’Atomo. In a kite-flying exercise during an official visit to Rome by a Maltese delegation, Mr Rendina speculated on the possibilities of placing nuclear reactors for Italy’s use on territories just outside Italian jurisdiction. Malta, Montenegro and Albania were mentioned in this respect. It was unfortunate that the Maltese government only spoke up after being prodded by the Greens in Malta. It had then stated that no discussions on the matter had taken place with the Italian government.

On behalf of the Greens in Malta, since 2008 I have repeatedly insisted on the need to make use of the provisions of the Espoo Convention, which deals with consultation procedures to be followed between countries in Europe whenever issues of transboundary impacts arise. On March 3, 2010 Parliament in Malta approved a resolution to ratify this convention.

The Espoo Convention, the EU Directive on Environmental Impact Assessment and the EU Strategic Environment Assessment Directive establish the right of the Maltese public to be consulted by Italy in the procedures leading to the construction of a nuclear power station, both on the Italian mainland as well as in Sicily. This is definitely not enough.

Various countries are reconsidering their position on nuclear energy as a result of the Fukushima disaster. Italy’s government has started to feel the pressure ahead of a June anti-nuclear referendum championed by Antonio di Pietro and earlier this week temporarily suspended its nuclear programme.

Italy is a region which is seismically active. The devastation caused by the 2009 earthquake in L’Aquila is still imprinted in our memories. The 1908 earthquake at Messina/Reggio Calabria was much worse, the worst ever in Europe. It produced an estimated 13-metre tsunami wave in the central Mediterranean. In Messina alone, over 120,000 lost their lives.

Faced with government silence, I think the matter should be taken up by Maltese environmental NGOs in partnership with their Italian counterparts. Public opinion needs to be sensitised on the dangers that lie ahead as Fukushima is a warning we cannot afford to ignore. 

other posts on Nuclear Issues on this blog