Il-Lobbying u l-eżerċizzju tal-poter

Meta niddiskutu l-politika dwar ir-regolamentazzjoni tal-lobbying bosta drabi jqum l-argument dwar dawk il-politiċi li hekk kif jispiċċaw mill-politika attiva jingħataw responsabbiltajiet f’azjendi kbar. Din nirreferu għaliha bħala politika tar-“revolving door”, imsemmija għall-dawk il-bibien tal-lukandi li jduru u li hekk kif tidħol fiċ-ċirku tagħhom, malajr tispiċċa ġewwa.

L-eżempju klassiku li jissemma hu l-ingaġġ ta’ Josè Manuel Barroso li sa ħames snin ilu kien President tal-Kummissjoni Ewropea mill-bank multinazzjonali Goldman Sachs. Il-kumitat tal-etika tal-Unjoni Ewropea kien iddeskriva l-imġieba ta’ Barroso bħala waħda li kienet etikament ħażina avolja kien konkluż li ma kien hemm l-ebda ksur tal-Kodiċi tal-Etika.

Imġiba bħal din hi meqjusa bħala parti integrali mill-proċess tal-lobbying li jeħtieġ li jkun regolat b’mod adegwat.

F’Malta dawn l-affarijiet nagħmluhom “aħjar” minn hekk għax l-anqas regoli dwar imġieba ta’ din ix-xorta ma għandna! Fost oħrajn, dan huwa riżultat tal-fatt li ma kienx hemm qbil bejn Gvern u Opposizzjoni fil-Parlament dwar ir-regolamentazzjoni tal-lobbying meta kienet qed tkun diskussa il-liġi dwar l-Istandards fil-Ħajja Pubblika. Allura ipposponew id-diskussjoni billi tefgħuha f’ħoġor il-Kummissarju dwar l-Istandards fil-Ħajja Pubblika George Hyzler, bl-inkarigu li jkun hu li jabbozza r-regoli proposti dwar il-lobbying f’Malta.

F’Malta dan fil-fatt seħħ ukoll fil-passat riċenti mhux biss meta John Dalli kien ingaġġat mal-Grupp tal-Marsovin imma ukoll meta l-Grupp Corinthia, fi żminijiet differenti, ingaġġa kemm lis-Sur Dalli kif ukoll lill-Karmenu Vella, li għadu kif temm perjodu ta’ ħames snin bħala Kummissarju tal-Unjoni Ewropea. Ma nkisrux regoli minħabba li l-imġiba etika f’dan il-pajjiż hi ġeneralment injorata. Ir-reazzjoni lokali għal dan l-ingaġġ ta’ politiċi ġeneralment kienet: għala le?

Hu loġiku li nikkonkludu li jekk f’Malta niġu naqgħu u nqumu milli nirregolaw kif fid-dinja tan-negozju u l-industrija jingaġġaw malajr politiċi li jkunu għadhom kif spiċċaw mill-ħatra, aħseb u ara kemm ser nagħtu kaz meta nies tan-negozju jiġu ngaġġati huma stess f’posizzjonijiet viċin il-politiċi biex b’hekk jinfluwenzaw u jirregolaw l-aġenda pubblika.

Wara skiet twil, f’wieħed mill-messaġġ qosra, qishom it-talba ta’ filgħodu, li qed jippubblika fuq facebook, Varist Bartolo, qalilna kemm hu perikoluż li nies tan-negożju jkunu viċin iżżejjed tal-poter. Probabbilment li qed jitkellem mill-esperjenza, wara li hu u sħabu fil-Kabinett kienu qed jiffaċċjaw lill-Keith Schembri għal kważi seba’ snin sħaħ fl-Uffiċċju tal-Prim Ministru. U dan mhux l-uniku kaz.

Meta l-Kummissarju dwar l-Istandards fil-Ħajja Pubblika ikollu l-ħin biex ifassal regoli dwar il-lobbying, dan kollu, bla dubju, jkun wieħed mill-punti fundamentali li jkunu meħtieġa illi jkunu indirizzati. In konformità ma dak li jiġri band’oħra, probabbilment li jikkonsidra regolament li ma jippermettix li l-qabża mis-settur politiku għal dak kummerċjali jseħħ immedjatament. Dan ikun ifisser li ħatriet ta’ din ix-xorta jkollhom jistennew bejn sena u nofs u sentejn minn meta tkun ġiet fi tmiemha l-ħidma fis-settur li fiha l-persuna tkun ħadmet l-aħħar. Dan isir bl-intenzjoni li jkun imnaqqas l-impatt negattiv tal-lobbying li inevitabilment jirriżulta u li jkun intrinsikament assoċjat ma dawn it-tip ta’ ħatriet.

Qegħdin tard ukoll biex ikun regolat il-lobbying b’mod ġenerali. Ir-rimedju bażiku kontra l-impatti negattivi tal-lobbying hi t-trasparenza.

Il-lobbying, kemm-il darba jsir sewwa u b’mod etiku m’għandux iwassal għal governanza ħażina. Għax huwa perfettament leġittimu li ċittadin, gruppi ta’ ċittadini, kumpaniji u anke għaqdiet mhux governattivi jfittxu li jinfluwenzaw it-teħid tad-deċiżjonijiet. Dan isir il-ħin kollu u jinvolvi l-komunikazzjoni ta’ informazzjoni u opinjonijiet jew veduti lill-leġislaturi u lil dawk li jamministraw minn kull min għandu kwalunkwè xorta ta’ interess.

Dan hu perfettament leġittimu għax iżomm lil min jieħu d-deċiżjonijiet infurmat bl-impatti ta’ dak li jkun qiegħed ikun ikkunsidrat. Imma huwa importanti li dan il-lobbying ma jkunx trasformat fi proċess li bħala riżultat tiegħu il-politiku jagħmel il-wisa’ u d-deċiżjonijiet fil-fatt jeħodhom ħaddieħor mid-dinja tal-business.

Il-lobbying jirrikjedi ammont konsiderevoli ta’ transpareza: hu essenzjali li jkun sganċjat mis-segretezza jew kunfidenzjalità artifiċjali. Fejn il-lobbying hu regolat dan isir billi l-laqgħat jew attivitajiet oħra li jservu għall-lobbying jingħataw pubbliċità biex b’hekk ikun possibli li jsir skrutinju mill-opinjoni pubblika. Il-minuti ta’ dan it-tip ta’ laqgħat ikunu pubbliċi kif għandu jkun ukoll kull dokument u studju assoċjat. Għandna d-dritt li nkunu nafu min u kif qed ifittex li jinfluwenza l-proċess tad-deċiżjonijiet. Dan jassigura li l-lobbying ma jkunx użat bħala għodda sigrieta biex iħarbat il-proċess demokratiku li bih jittieħdu d-deċiżjonijiet politiċi.

Din hi waħda mill-problemi ewlenin li tat kontribut biex tixxettel il-kriżi politika preżenti f’Malta: in-nuqqas ta’ apprezzament tal-ħtieġa ta’ mġiba etika korretta f’kull ħin fil-ħajja pubblika. Problema li jeħtieġilna li niffaċċjawha immedjatament.

 

Ippubblikat fuq Illum : Il-Ħadd ta’ Diċembru 2019

Lobbying and the levers of power

When discussing the politics of lobbying regulation, what is known as the “revolving door” policy is frequently discussed. This is normally understood to mean the accelerated passage of a politician, generally from a senior political role, to a leading role in the corporate world.

The classic example of this was the recruitment by multinational investment bank Goldman Sachs of Josè Manuel Barroso, former President of the European Commission. An EU ethics panel had described Mr Barroso’s behaviour as morally reprehensible, even though it concluded that he was not in breach of the EU Integrity code.

Such behaviour is considered to be an integral part of the lobbying process which requires adequate regulation.

In Malta we do it even better than that, because no rules governing such behaviour exist! This is the result of no agreement on lobbying regulation being reached when the Standards in Public Life legislation was discussed by Parliament. As a result, they postponed the discussion and conveniently added the requirement of formulating lobbying rules to the duties of the Commissioner for Standards in Public Life, George Hyzler.

In Malta it has already happened in the recent past, not just in John Dalli’s recruitment by the Marsovin Group but also when the Corinthia Group recruited, at different times, both John Dalli and outgoing EU Commissioner Karmenu Vella. No rules were infringed, bypassed or ignored here as, to put it mildly, regulating ethical behaviour has never been Malta’s strong point. Rather, the local reaction was: why not?

It stands to reason that some would think that if Malta does not regulate the use of “revolving doors” to catapult politicians into the corporate world, why on earth should we regulate it for businessmen intending to do away with the lobbying middlemen and take the levers of power directly into their very hands?

After a long silence, it was very “thoughtful” of Minister of Education Evarist Bartolo to warn us of the perils we face in one of his recent early morning thoughts for the day posted on facebook. Together with his Cabinet colleagues he has had to face Keith Schembri for almost seven years at the Office of the Prime Minister, to name just one such appointment.

When the Commissioner for Standards in Public Life finds time to draft rules regulating lobbying, the issue of “revolving doors” should undoubtedly be high on his list of must dos. In line with lobbying regulations in other jurisdictions he will, hopefully, be proposing a cooling off period as a brake on such appointments. This would mean high-level appointments from the corporate world to the political world (and vice-versa) would need to wait until 18 to 24 months have elapsed between ceasing activity in one sector and entering the other. This is normally intended to dampen the negative lobbying impacts which such appointments lead to. It is inevitable and is intrinsically linked with these types of appointments.

It is also about time for the regulation of lobbying in general. Applying transparency to lobbying is the basic antidote needed.

Lobbying, if done properly and above board, should not lead to bad governance. It is perfectly legitimate for any citizen, group of citizens, corporations or even NGOs to seek to influence decision-taking. It is done continuously and involves the communication of views and information to legislators and administrators by those who have an interest in informing them of the impacts of the decisions under consideration.

It is perfectly legitimate that individuals, acting on their own behalf or else acting on behalf of third parties, should seek to ensure that decision-takers are well informed before taking the required decisions. However, lobbying should not be the process through which the decision-takers make way for the representatives of corporations to take their place.

Lobbying requires a considerable dose of transparency: it needs to be unchained from the shackles of secrecy. In other jurisdictions this is done through actively disclosing information on lobbying activities, thereby placing them under the spotlight of public opinion. The timely publication of minutes, as well as documents and studies relative to meetings held by holders of political office, is essential. The public has a right to know who is seeking to influence the decision-taking process. This helps ensure that lobbying is not used as a tool to secretly derail or deflect the democratic process leading to political decisions.

This is one of the major issues resulting from the political crisis currently engulfing the Maltese islands: essentially an absence of ethics in the public sphere which should be addressed forthwith.

published in The Malta Independent on Sunday : 15 December 2019

Fl-interess tal-pajjiż : Adrian Delia jeħtieġ li jwarrab immedjatament

Għadni kif qrajt ir-rapport tal-Kumitat Konsultattiv dwar Imġieba Xierqa u Etika dwar il-kandidati għall-elezzjoni ta’ Kap tal-PN. (Ir-rapport sħiħ jista’ jinqara fil-link li hemm mar-rapport tat-Times hawnhekk.)

Qrajt ukoll ir-reazzjonijiet li hemm s’issa dwar il-konklużjonijiet ta’ dan ir-rapport.

Il-konklużjoni ovvja u loġika hi li l-kandidatura ta’ Adrian Delia għall-Kap tal-PN mhux biss hi ta’ ħsara għall-PN innifsu imma hi fuq kollox ta’ ħsara għall-pajjiż. Għax hu fl-interess tal-pajjiż li kull partit politiku f’Malta jkun immexxi minn persuni ta’ integrità indiskussa.

L-għażla tal-persuna li eventwalment ser tmexxi l-PN hi għażla li trid issir mill-PN innifsu imma hi x-xewqa ta’ kull min irid jara iktar serjetà fil-politika lokali li Adrian Delia jirrikonsidra l-posizzjoni tiegħu immedjatament.

Dak li ġie ppubblikat dwaru fil-ġranet li għaddew jesponi dubju serju kemm hu persuna idoneja għall-ħajja pubblika.

Issa jiena, kif tafu, attiv f’partit politiku ieħor. Imma hu anke fl-interess tal-partit politiku li jiena attiv fih li l-PN jitbiegħed minn din it-trawma li ilu għaddej minnha tul dawn il-ġranet. L-irġulija w s-serjetà hekk titlob.

Il-mod ġdid li bih issir il-politika għandu jfisser li ħadd minna ma jistaħba wara subgħajh u li lkoll inkunu kapaċi nerfgħu r-responsabbiltajiet tagħna.

Huwa b’dispjaċir li ninnota li Dr Adrian Delia iddeċieda li jgħaddas rasu fir-ramel u jibqa’ għaddej. L-appell tiegħi għaldaqstant hu lil dawk ta’ madwaru biex jgħinuh jifhem li jeħtieġlu jaqbad triq differenti minn din. It-triq tas-serjetà u l-irġulija. Din ma tkunx biss l-aħjar triq fl-interess tal-PN imma fuq kollox fl-interess tal-pajjiż kollu. Għax pajjiżna jixraqlu ħafna aħjar.

Coalition building: beyond the arithmetic

It is pretty obvious that the primary – and possibly the only – objective that the Nationalist Party seeks to attain through its proposed coalition is to numerically surpass the Labour Party when the first count votes are tallied after  the forthcoming general election. Should this materialise, it could be a stepping stone on the basis of which, possibly, it could return to office on its own or in coalition.

The rest, that is to say beyond the first count vote tally, is all a necessary evil for the PN.

In contrast, Alternattiva Demokratikas objectives go beyond arithmetic. Alternattiva Demokratika favours a principle-based coalition, ethically driven,  in conscious preference to a pragmatic-based one that is driven exclusively by arithmetic considerations.

A principle-based coalition asks questions and demands answers continuously. The path to be followed to elect the first Green MPs is just as important as the objective itself. This is not simply  a minor inconsequential detail: it is a fundamental difference in approach.

Alternattiva Demokratika is continuously being tempted to discard its principled approach on the basis of a possible satisfactory result being within reach: now is the time, we are told, to join Simon Busuttils coalition in the national interest.  

Alternattiva Demokratika has always given way to the national interest. It is definitely in the national interest to discard (at the earliest possible opportunity) the two-party system that is the cause of the current political mess. In this context, at AD we do not view the PN (or the PL for that matter) as a solution. Both are an intrinsic part of the problem. Even if they are not exactly equivalent, together they are the problem. Parliament has been under the control of the two-party system  without interruption for the past 52 years. This is ultimately responsible for the current state of affairs as, due to its composition, Parliament has been repeatedly unable to hold the government of the day to account.

It is the worst kind of political dishonesty to pretend that the PN is whiter than white when criticising the Labour Partys gross excesses during the past four years. Labour has been capable of creating the current mess because the last PN-led government left behind quasi-toothless institutions, such that, when push came to shove, these institutions were incapable of biting back against abuse in defence of Maltese society: so much for the PNs commitment to good governance.

The PN is also  still haunted by its own gross excesses including:

1) Claudio Grechs incredible declaration on the witness stand in Parliaments Public Accounts Committee that he did not recollect ever meeting George Farrugia during the development of the oil sales scandal, George Farrugia being the mastermind  behind it all.   

2) Beppe Fenech Adamis role in the nominee company behind the Capital One Investment Group/Baltimore Fiduciary Services . In quasi similar circumstances, former Labour Party Treasurer Joe Cordina was forced to resign and was withdrawn as a general election candidate.

3) Mario DeMarcos error of judgement (with Simon Busuttils blessing) in accepting the brief of Silvio Debonos db Group in relation to the provision of advisory legal services on the Groups acquisition from Government of land at Pembroke, currently the site of the Institute for Tourism Studies, and this when his duty a Member of Parliament was to subject the deal to the minutest scrutiny and thereby hold government to account.

4) Toni Bezzinas application for a proposed ODZ Villa at the same time that, together with others, he was drafting an environment policy document on behalf of the PN in which document he proposed that this should henceforth  be prohibited.

5) Simon Busuttils alleged attempt to camouflage political donations as payment for fictitious services by his partys commercial arm, thereby circumventing the Financing of Political Parties Act.

How can the Nationalist Party be credible by declaring itself as the rallying point in favour of good governance and against corruption when it took no serious action to clean up its own ranks? Apologies are a good start but certainly not enough: heads must roll.

A coalition with a PN that closes more than one eye to the above is bound to fail, as the behaviour of the PN and its leadership is clearly and consistently diametrically opposed to its sanctimonious declarations.

These are very serious matters: they need to be suitably and satisfactorily addressed as a pre-condition to the commencement of any coalition talks.  Time is running out and this is being stated even before one proceeds to identify and spell out the red lines – ie the issues that are non-negotiable.

Addressing the arithmetic issues concerning the general election and then ending up with a new government with such an ambivalent attitude to good governance would mean that we are back to the point from which we started.    Nobody in his right mind would want that and Alternattiva Demokratika would certainly not support such double speak.

published in The Malta Independent on Sunday – 16 April 2017

Simon Busuttil u d-dmugħ tal-kukkudrilli

Id-dikjarazzjoni ta Simon Busuttil dal-għodu li mhuwiex ser jittollera sitwazzjoni ta kunflitt ta interess bejn il-prattika professjonali tal-Membri Parlamentari Nazzjonalisti u r-responsabbiltajiet parlamentari tagħhom hi pass importanti l-quddiem.

Imma dan hu kollu dmugħ tal-kukkudrilli. Issa wara li nqabdu, qed ixerrdu d-dmugħ tad-dispjaċir. Għax inqabdu, u għall-ebda raġuni oħra.

Dan kien kollu antiċipabbli li jiġri. Min jaf kemm-il darba ġara u ħadd ma qal xejn għax ħadd ma nduna. Inkella kien hemm min ipprova jmewwet kollox bħalma ġara dwar s-sehem ta diversi viċin tal-PN li minkejja li tkellmu kontra l-bejgħ tal-passaporti kienu minn ta quddiem biex joffru s-servizzi tagħhom ta aġenti. Għax huma ukoll għandhom dritt jieklu, mhux hekk?

Ovvjament issa Simon Busuttil qiegħed jieħu passi sodi għax inqabad li kien laxk wisq fl-insistenza għal standards ta imġieba korretta fil-grupp parlamentari tiegħu.

Aħna fAlternattiva Demokratika ilna nitkellmu dwar dan. Uħud minnhom, imma, qieshom mejtin bil-ġuħ.

Nibdew niċċaqalqu ftit meta naqblu li wasal iżżmien li l-ebda membru tal-parlament ma jkun jista jagħmel xogħol ieħor ħlief dak tal-parlament. Spiċċa żżmien tal-parlament tad-dilettanti.

Li Mario de Marco mhux ser jibqa involut fil-kaz tal-Lukanda Hardrock ta Silvio Debono (u l-iżvilupp assoċjat magħha) hu pass il-quddiem, avolja ġie ħafna tard. Forsi fl-aħħar qed jagħrfu l-kitba fuq il-ħajt.

Tajjeb li l-Partit Laburista hu inkwetat

Partit Laburista emblema

Il-Partit Laburista hu inkwetat.

Id-diskors ta’ Godfrey Farrugia, Edward Zammit Lewis u Evarist Bartolo l-lejla fil-Parlament, fil-fehma tiegħi juri l-polz veru tal-Partit Laburista.

It-tlieta esprimew l-ikwiet li għandhom li l-każ tal-Panama qed jagħmel ħsara kbira lill-pajjiż. Godfrey Farrugia kien emottiv ħafna għax fir-realtà jaf li qiegħed f’morsa. Edward Zammit Lewis ipprova jappella għar-raġuni għax skontu Konrad Mizzi diġa ħallas ta’ egħmilu.

Varist Bartolo min-naħa l-oħra irrifletta fuq id-diskrepanza bejn dak li jiġi pprietkat u pprattikat. L-issue, emfasizza Varist hi waħda ta’ moralità pubblika. Ilkoll kemm aħna, qal Varist, jeħtieġ li naħdmu iktar biex l-etika fil-ħajja publika trabbi egħruq iktar fil-fond.

Il-mozzjoni l-lejla mhux ser tkun approvata. Imma nemmen li dan hu dibattitu li għamel il-ġid lill-pajjiż. L-istorja definittivament mhux ser tieqaf il-lejla.

Hu tajjeb li fil-Partit Laburista hemm min qiegħed jinkwieta dwar il-ħtieġa li nagħtu iktar każ tal-moralità pubblika. Irridu nibqgħu nżidu l-pressjoni. Hekk biss titnaddaf il-politika.

Il-mozzjoni Parlamentari numru 322 : kriżi ta’ imġieba

ethical-politics

 

Nhar it-Tnejn li ġej, fil-Parlament, ser jiddiskutu mozzjoni ta’ sfiduċja fil-Gvern. Hi l-mozzjoni numru 322, mressqa mill-Kap tal-Opposizzjoni, dwar il-kriżi attwali kkawżata mid-dokumenti li ħarġu mill-Panama li l-Opposizzjoni issejħilha “kriżi ta’ korruzzjoni”.

Li l-Gvern mexa ħażin ma għandi l-ebda dubju. Kellhom jittieħdu passi tmien ġimgħat ilu dwar il-“kriżi” u ma sar xejn s’issa.

Imma kemm hu korrett li jingħad li din hi “kriżi ta’ korruzzjoni”?

Fil-bidu nett, meta faqqgħet il-kriżi, l-unika informazzjoni pubblika kienet dwar il-ħolqien ta’ kumpaniji fil-Panama għall-Konrad Mizzi, Ministru, u Keith Schembri (il-Kasco) Chief of Staff fl-Uffiċċju tal-Prim Ministru. Iktar tard sirna nafu li kien hemm kumpanija oħra lesta biex titwaqqaf għal persuna oħra li ismu għadu mhux magħruf.

Mill-informazzjoni li ħarġet s’issa sirna nafu li Keith Schembri ried jinvesti fir-riċiklaġġ fl-India u fir-remote gaming. L-informazzjoni dwar x’ried jagħmel Konrad Mizzi mhux ċara għax hemm biss il-kelma tiegħu li l-kumpanija fil-Panama riedha biex tamministra l-ġid tal-familja. Hekk ta’ l-inqas qal li kien il-parir li tawh, u mexa fuqu. Għalkemm dak li qal Konrad Mizzi la jagħmel sens u l-anqas ma jitwemmen, s’issa ma ħarġet l-ebda informazzjoni oħra li tagħti verżjoni differenti jew li tikkuntrasta ma dak li qal hu. Bl-assi li iddikjara li għandu Konrad Mizzi ma jagħmilx sens li tmur il-Panama!

L-aħħar informazzjoni li ħarġet kienet dwar l-attentati biex jinfetaħ kont jew kontijiet bankarji f’wieħed minn diversi banek madwar id-dinja. Dan minnu innifsu m’huwiex indikazzjoni ta’ korruzzjoni. Ovvjament jista’ jintuża għalhekk ukoll! Il-kontijiet bankarji ma nfetħux (s’issa) għax il-banek talbu depożitu minimu sostanzjali!

Dan kollu jfisser li,  l-kriżi li bdiet b’suspetti kbar ta’ korruzzjoni, bl-informazzjoni li nafu sal-lum, għalkemm għad baqa’ kemm dubji kif ukoll suspetti, iktar milli  “kriżi ta’ korruzzjoni” hi “kriżi ta’ imġieba ħażina” bil-Prim Ministru, wara tmien ġimgħat għadu ma ħa l-ebda pass kontra dawk responsabbli. Xejn iżda ma jeskludi li iktar tard toħroġ informazzjoni li issaħħaħ l-argument dwar il-korruzzjoni. Imma s’issa din l-informazzjoni mhux magħruf li teżisti. Suspetti biss.

L-imġieba ħażina ta’ Konrad Mizzi toħroġ mill-fatt li huwa fetaħ il-kumpanija fil-Panama f’ġurisdizzjoni li minna nnifisha tnissel suspetti kbar ta’ korruzzjoni u li bħala riżultat ta’ dan kollu tefa’ dell tqil fuq il-Gvern u fuq il-pajjiż.

L-imġieba ħażina ta’ Keith Schembri l-Kasco toħroġ mill-fatt li filwaqt li ilu għal dawn l-aħħar tlett snin jipprova jagħti l-impressjoni li nqata’ min-negozju tiegħu xorta għadu qed jippjana investimenti ġodda għalih, b’mod li qed joħloq dubju perikoluż dwar fejn jibdew ir-responsabbiltajiet tiegħu lejn il-Gvern bħala l-id il-leminija tal-Prim Minsitru u fejn jispiċċaw l-interessi tiegħu ta’ negozju.

Din hi l-kriżi reali li għandu quddiemu l-pajjiż. Hi kriżi ta’ serjetà kbira, mhux eżatt kif qed jgħid il-Kap tal-Opposizzjoni. Imma xorta hemm ġustifikazzjoni li jirriżenjaw kemm Konrad Mizzi kif ukoll Keith Schembri. Xorta timmerita mozzjoni ta’ sfiduċja fil-Gvern għax wara tmien ġimgħat għadu ma ċċaqlaqx.