Iktar kmieni illum laqqajt il-Kumitat Eżekuttiv tal-partit u bdejna id-diskussjoni tal-Manifest Elettorali.
Il-laqgħa tkompli għada meta mistenni li jkollna d-dokument finali approvat.
Lejn nofs il-ġimgħa nippubblikaw id-dokument.
Grażżi lil kull min ta’ sehem biex tlesta x-xogħol konness ma dan il-manifest elettorali.
Illum aħna ippubblikajt il-lista tal-kandidati, għaxra b’kollox. Għoxrin kandidatura għax kollha ser nikkontestaw fuq żewġ distretti. Imma f’kull distrett hemm ta’l-inqas kandidat wieħed.
Il-kumment li ser nagħmel illum hu dwar l-ambjent.
Qed nosserva kemm il-Labour qed jinqanzħu biex jgħidulna li ser jieħdu ħsieb l-ambjent.
L-ewwel qaċċtu kull siġra li raw u kaxkru kull rokna ħamrija li raw b’għajnejhom. Issa jridu jippumpjaw il-miljuni biex joħolqu l-ispazji miftuħa.
Kif tista’ teħodhom bis-serjetà meta ma sħabhom l-iżviluppaturi qerdu kullma raw b’għajnejhom?
Il-Partit Laburista qed jgħidilna li “Malta Flimkien” filwaqt li l-Partit Nazzjonalista qed jgħidilna “Miegħek. Għal Malta.”
Miegħek, flimkien u għal Malta, hemm bżonn tindifa papali ta’ dan il-pajjiz.
Xkupa ħadra li tnaddaf tindifa sew, hemm bżonn, mal-ADPD.
Ser inkunu prezenti fid-distretti kollha b’dawn il-kandidati:
Mela wara ħafna spekulazzjoni b’dati differenti, fl-aħħar saffar is-suffara.
B’elezzjoni għas-26 ta’ Marzu jidher ċar li ġejja kampanja ta’ ħafna ħmieġ.
Din kienet leġislatura li bdiet bil-qtil ta’ Daphne u kompliet bi skandli kbar, wieħed wara l-ieħor.
L-ikbar theddida li jiffaċċja l-pajjiż illum hi ġejja minn politiċi li huma ħaġa waħda mal-kriminali. Politiċi li mhux biss jitgħawġu kanċ biex jgħinu lill-kriminalità organizzata imma li f’xi każi hemm ukoll is-suspett li huma sħab fin-negożju.
Bħal dejjem aħna ser inkunu preżenti fid-distretti kollha.
Earlier this week, the European Parliament’s Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs, when discussing a draft legislative initiative report emphasised that golden passports are objectionable ethically, legally and economically and pose several serious security risks.
Over the years government Ministers, in Malta and elsewhere, have emphasised that issues of citizenship and passports are a national reserved matter, within the European Union. They are right, but, only to a certain extent. The principle of loyalty in the EU treaties underpins the functioning of the individual member states within the Union. Even the national competencies have to be implemented with this principle in mind.
No one contests that nationality issues are a national competence. They should remain so. There is however much more than state competence at stake. Article 4.3 of the Treaty on the European Union explain this as the principle of sincere cooperation, at times referred to as the loyalty principle: loyalty, that is, towards the other European member states.
Recently, the Robert Abela administration has sought to reform the process of acquiring citizenship by investment. The original rules were overhauled. The IIP (Individual Investor Programme) was replaced by a residency scheme which could, eventually lead to acquiring citizenship. The EU was informed of all this and Parliamentary Secretary Alex Muscat, responsible for citizenship has indicated that there has been no feedback on the matter from the EU Commission.
The EU Parliament will discuss the matter in plenary next month. The draft report which, with a multitude of amendments proposed, will be considered, emphasises among other matters that such Citizenship by Investment (CBI) “schemes tend to be located in Member States that are particularly prone to risks related to financial secrecy, such as tax avoidance and money laundering, and corruption.”
Among the new Maltese citizens by investment, one finds: Anatoly Hurgin, charged with fraud, smuggling and money laundering in the US and Israel, Liu Zhongtian, an aluminium billionaire indicted in the US on avoidance of €2 billion in American tariffs, Boris Mints, a billionaire facing fraud charges in the UK, Pavel Melnikov, another billionaire under investigation in Finland for money laundering and tax fraud and Mustafa Abdel-Wadood who pleaded guilty to conspiracy and fraud charges in the United States. These have been identified by the Maltese press. I would not exclude that there are more of them as such schemes are a natural attraction to them. So far they have avoided the radar of public scrutiny.
Quite a collection! All of them were okayed by Malta’s “rigorous due diligence”!
In view of the above, Bernard Grech’s postering through his refusal to engage in consultation on the appointment of a new regulator for golden citizenship sends a wrong message. A regulator acceptable to Bernard Grech will not make the citizenship by investment scheme any better.
The golden passport scheme, irrespective of the tinkering with the rules carried out, is unacceptable in principle. EU citizenship, says the EU Parliament report currently under consideration “is not a commodity that can be marketed or sold and has never been conceived as such by the Treaties.”
European values are not for sale, says the said report: “in the light of the particular risks posed by CBI schemes and their inherent incompatibility with the principle of sincere cooperation, CBI schemes should be phased out fully across the Member States”. The proposal before the EU Parliament is that these should be phased out by 2025.
The money justifies it, says Bernard Grech, if only it were more transparent. It is the same attitude which the PN-led government built into our taxation system, when it introduced measures encouraging tax avoidance.
The golden passport scheme coupled with the continuous abuse of Malta’s tax sovereignty through offering substantial tax discounts to foreign commercial entities, encouraging tax avoidance, are part of the reasons which have led to Malta’s grey-listing. During the last months, Malta’s Finance Minister has finally capitulated and he is now steering the country towards the acceptance of a harmonised minimum tax rate.
Greens have been advocating this course of action for ages. Unfortunately, we can hold our heads high and state: we told you so! The golden passport scheme should be next for the chop. We do not need foreign institutions to tell us what is right or wrong. We can do it ourselves.
Only members of parliament elected from the list of ADPD candidates can ensure that the required overhaul is carried out. Bernard Grech and his PN cannot be the solution. They are part of the problem.
published on The Malta Independent on Sunday : 20 February 2022
Is-sospensjoni ta’ Victor Vella minn editur ta’ L-Orizzont u it-Torċa hi ta’ tħassib. Mhux biss għax tikkonċerna ġurnalist ewlieni fil-pajjiż, imma ukoll minħabba is-segretezza li hemm dwar x’inhuma r-raġunijiet li wasslu għal dan il-pass.
Qed jingħad li s-sospensjoni seħħet bħala riżultat tal-pressjoni dwar il-linja editorjali mħaddna mill-gazzetti immexxija minn Vella, liema pressjoni jidher li saret mill-Gvern Laburista immexxi minn Robert Abela. Il-Gvern ta’ Abela qed jingħad li nsista li tinbidel il-linja editorjali progressiva ta’ Vella li kienet qed tesponi każi soċjali diversi. Il-Gvern ta’ Abela, jingħad li kien qed jilmenta li l-linja editorjali ta’ Vella kienet qed toskurah.
Il-GWU, sid il-gazzetta ċaħdet dan kollu. Anzi, qalet li hi qed tiddefendi lill-istess Vella quddiem il-Management tal-Union Print li tmexxi l-gazzetti!
Dan kollu jiena ma nifhmux, għax il-Union Print hi tal-General Workers Union stess u fil-fatt Victor Carachi, president tal-GWU hu l-uniku Direttur reġistrat tal-Union Print kif jidher fl-informazzjoni li hemm aċċessibli fir-reġistru tal-kumpaniji.
Il-GWU għandha ħafna x’tirrispondi dwar dan kollu.
Il-Prim Ministru ilu jinki lill-opinjoni pubblika dwar meta ser ikun xolt il-Parlament kif ukoll dwar meta ser tissejjaħ l-elezzjoni ġenerali.
Imma Robert Abela kien ikkwotat jgħid ukoll li sa Ġunju 2022 ikun għadda kollox!
Kif inhuma l-affarijiet illum, hi responsabbiltà kostituzzjonali tal-Prim Ministru dwar meta jkun xolt il- Parlament kif ukoll dwar meta tissejjaħ elezzjoni ġenerali. Dan jagħmlu billi jagħti parir dwar dan lill-President tar-Republika. Ħafna drabi nassumu li dawn it-tip ta’ deċiżjonijiet jittieħdu fl-interess nazzjonali avolja hu ċar daqs il-kristall li hu l-interess tal-partit fil-Gvern li jiddetermina kollox: dejjem. Miżura li ssaħħaħ il-posizzjoni tal-Gvern qabel u waqt l-elezzjoni: the power of incumbency.
Dan mhux sewwa u għandu jinbidel kif inbidlu bosta affarijiet oħra.
Il-partit li immexxi qajjem dan il-punt fis-sottomissjonijiet li għamilna quddiem il-Konvenzjoni Kostituzzjonali: konvenzjoni li, dejjem ġejja, imma qatt ma tasal!
Hu propost li t-terminu tal-Parlament ikun wieħed fiss u li l-Prim Ministru ma jkollu l-ebda diskrezzjoni dwar kif u meta dan ikun xolt. Fil-prattika kemm l-Istati Uniti kif ukoll il-parti l-kbira tal-Ewropa kontinentali għandhom Parlament b’terminu fiss. Anke r-Renju Unit, meta kienet immexxija mill-koalizzjoni bejn il-partit Liberali u dak Konservattiv, ftit snin ilu, introduċiet leġislazzjoni għal Parlament b’terminu fiss.
F’dan il-kuntest tajjeb li jkun emfasizzat ukoll li t-terminu ta’ ħames snin għall-Parlament huwa ftit twil. Dan ma kienx dejjem hekk. Meta twaqqaf il-Parlament Malti għall-ewwel darba fl-1921, mitt sena ilu, il-ħajja tal-Parlament kienet ta’ tlett snin. Sal-lum il-ġurnata, l-Parlament Federali Awstraljan għadu jkun elett kull tlett snin. Il-Kamra tar-Rappresentanti tal-Istati Uniti min-naħa l-oħra tkun eletta kull sentejn.
X’uħud jistgħu jkunu tal-fehma li għall-Parlament, tul ta’ sentejn jew tlieta bejn elezzjoni u oħra huma ftit wisq. Għal min qiegħed fil-Gvern, ħames snin jistgħu jkun perjodu addattat. Imma għal min qiegħed fl-Opposizzjoni hu twil wisq! Tlett snin hu perjodu ferm iktar addattat.
Il-Parlament għandu ħtieġa ukoll ta’ membri li xogħolhom ikun biss dak ta’ membri tal-parlament u li ma jagħmlu xejn iktar. Hemm bżonn ukoll li n-numru ta’ membri tal-parlament jonqos għax in-numru li għandna illum hu kbir wisq. Membru Parlamentari full-time jaqta’ għal kollox kull kuntatt ma xogħol u/jew professjoni u bħala riżultat ta’ hekk inaqqas sostanzjalment il-possibiltà ta’ kunflitt ta’ interess meta jkun f’posizzjoni li jieħu kwalunkwe deċiżjoni.
Id-daqs tal-lum tal-Parlament, jiġifieri dak ta’ 65 membru parlamentari, kien determinat bħala riżultat tal-emendi kostituzzjonali tal-1974. Imma dan, illum il-ġurnata, sa mill-1987, mhux id-daqs definittiv għax miegħu jistgħu jiżdiedu iktar bħala riżultat tal-applikazzjoni tal-mekkaniżmu kostituzzjonali tal-proporzjonalità. Jista’ jiżdiedu iktar ukoll, bi tnax-il membru ieħor riżultat tal-miżuri kostituzzjonali ġodda dwar il-bilanċ tal-ġeneru, jekk dawn ikunu applikati.
Il-Parlament li jmiss, għaldaqstant, jista’ jkunu kbir mhux ħażin jekk jintużaw kemm il-mekkaniżmu dwar il-proporzjonalità kif ukoll dak dwar il-bilanċ tal-ġeneru. Jista’ jkun daqs li jikber sa 77 membru u possibilment anke sa 81 membru. Dan hu enormi għall-pajjiżna.
Is-sistema elettorali, li ż-żewġ partiti fil-Parlament ilhom ibgħabsu għal żmien twil, tipprovdi għal riżultat proporjonali u b’element korrettiv favur il-bilanċ bejn il-ġeneri meta fil-Parlament ikunu eletti żewġ partiti politiċi biss. Meta jkun elett it-tielet partit dawn il-mekkaniżmi kostituzzjonali dwar il-proporzjonalità u l-bilanċ tal-ġeneru ma jistgħux jaħdmu. Hemm biss eċċezzjoni waħda. Din tkun fil-kaz ta’partit politiku li jikseb iktar minn 50 fil-mija tal-voti fl-ewwel għadd fuq livell nazzjonali. Dan ikollu dejjem il-jedd li jiggverna billi jkun allokat is-siġġijiet neċessarji għal dan l-iskop.
Hemm numru ta’ soluzzjonijiet alternattivi li kieku ġew applikati kien ikun possibli li l-Parlament tagħna jkollu bilanċ aħjar bejn il-ġeneri u proporzjonalità mingħajr ma jikber fid-daqs. Dawn is-soluzzjonijiet, imma, ġew skartati kompletament. Dan għax ir-riforma kellha dejjem l-iskop li toħloq l-inqas tibdil possibli. Tibdil kosmetiku fl-istil tal-Gattopardo: tibdil li jħalli kollox kif kien!
Dan hu l-Parlament tagħna. Jeħtieġ li jinbidel mill-qiegħ.
ippubblikat fuq Illum : il-Ħadd 13 ta’ Frar 2022
The Prime Minister has been teasing public opinion for some time as to when Parliament will be dissolved and when we will consequently be proceeding to the next general election.
Robert Abela has been quoted as stating that it will definitely be over by June 2022.
As things stand, at this point in time, it is within the Constitutional prerogative of the Prime Minister to determine when Parliament is dissolved and a general election held. This he does by advising the President of the Republic accordingly. It is generally assumed that such decisions are taken in the national interest even though it is amply clear that it is always in the interest of the political party in power. It reinforces the power of incumbency.
Is this right? Should it remain so?
My party has raised this matter in its submissions to the Constitutional Convention which Convention has been pending for a number of years!
It is being proposed that Parliament should be a fixed-term Parliament and that the Prime Minister should have no discretion whatsoever in dissolving Parliament. In practice both the United States as well as most of continental Europe have fixed-term Parliaments. Even the United Kingdom, some years ago, led by a Liberal-Conservative coalition, introduced legislation for a Parliament having a fixed-term.
Within this context it would be also pertinent to emphasise that a five-year term is a little bit too long. This was not always so. When Malta’s Parliament was originally established in 1921, 100 years ago, it had a three-year life span. The Australian Federal Parliament in this day and age is still elected every three years. The United States House of Representatives on the other hand is elected every two years.
Some could argue that a two- or three-year life span for parliament would be too short. Five years may be right for those governing. It is however too long for those in Opposition! A three-year term could be the right balance.
Parliament also needs fulltime MPs and probably less of them. A fulltime member of parliament would cut off completely all of his/her links with profession and/or employment and as a result substantially reduce instances of conflict of interest when faced with decision taking.
Parliament’s present size of 65 members was determined as a result of the 1974 Constitutional amendments. Since 1987, it is however not a definite size, as it is increased as a result of the constitutional adjustment mechanism for proportionality. It will be increased by a further twelve members if the newly introduced constitutional gender balance requirements are applied.
The next Parliament could be quite large if both the proportionality and gender balance adjustment mechanisms are in use. It could inflate to a size between 77 and 81 members! This is enormous for a country our size.
The electoral system, which the two parties currently in parliament have been tinkering with for ages, provides for proportionality and gender balance only if just two parties are elected into Parliament. If a third party is elected, both the constitutional provisions for proportionality and gender balance will not be activated. There is just one exception and this is relative to the political party which obtains more than 50 per cent of the votes on a national level: in such an instant, irrespective of the number of political parties making it to Parliament the party having an absolute majority of votes is ensured of having the parliamentary seats required for governing.
There are a number of alternative solutions available which make it possible for our Parliament to be both gender-balanced and proportional without any increase in its size. These solutions have however been completely discarded as the “reform” brief was always to change as little as possible. Cosmetic change is the order of the day in Gattopardo style: change which leaves everything the same.
Such is the state of our parliament. It needs a complete overhaul, which is long overdue.
published on The Malta Independent on Sunday: 13 February 2022
L-artiklu ta’ Desmond Zammit Marmara fit-Times tal-bieraħ kien riflessjoni f’waqtha dwar il-Partit Laburista. Riflessjoni minn persuna li tafu u ħadmet fih għal numru ta’ snin.
Irrispettivament minn jekk naqblux jew le ma dak li kiteb Desmond Zammit Marmara, il-bniedem jistħoqlu kull rispett. Hu wieħed mill-ftit li qed jikkontribwixxi għal diskussjoni politika matura li hi nieqsa ferm f’dan l-imbierek pajjiż.
Uħud mill-kummenti li hemm online għall-artiklu ta’ Desmond Zammit Marmara, mhux biss fuq il-paġna tat-Times, imma anke fuq l-Illum fejn hemm rapport dwar l-artiklu, huma kummenti li jqażżuk. Huma rifless tar-raġunijiet għax il-pajjiż tagħna qiegħed fl-istat li hu illum.
Dawn it-tip ta’ kummenti, u bosta insulti ukoll, ma sarux biss fil-konfront ta’ Desmond. Isiru ukoll fil-konfront ta’ kull min hu kritiku ta’ dak li qed jiġri madwarna.
Li ma taqbilx ma dak li qed jgħid Desmond hu dritt, imma dan id-dritt ma jagħtikx id-dritt li tinsulta u tkasbar. Huwa biss bid-diskussjoni serja u matura li nistgħu nimxu l-quddiem. Mingħajrha lura biss nistgħu nimxu.
Jiena kelli diversi opportunitajiet li nitkellem u niddiskuti ma’ Desmond Zammit Marmara. Xi drabi fuq il-programm li kellu fuq l-RTK fejn dejjem ta’ l-ispazju għal idejat oħrajn, differenti, b’diskussjoni li tfittex li tifhem u tgħallem. Iltqajt miegħu ukoll diversi drabi fis-sala tal-għadd tal-voti meta iddiskutejt miegħu l-ktieb tiegħu fuq Pawlu Boffa, Prim Ministru u mexxej tal-Partit Laburista.
Desmond hu persuna valida li minkejja l-insulti għażel u jibqa’ jagħżel it-triq tar-raġuni u r-riflessjoni. Hi t-triq id-diffiċli, però hi t-triq tal-irġulija.
Grazzi Desmond.
Robert Abela hu s-suġġett kurrenti tal-billboards tal-PN. Imma, bħal ma jiġri dejjem, il-kampanja tal-PN fuq il-billboards tgħid biċċa waħda żgħira mill-istorja vera. Tiffoka fuq il-ġid li akkumula Abela permezz tal-kuntratti ta’ xogħol professjonali assoċjat mal-Gvern, speċjalment permezz tal-Awtorità tal-Ippjanar. Il-billboard iwassal il-messaġġ politiku li Robert Abela jiġi jaqa’ u jqum u li huwa insensittiv. Jgħidilna li filwaqt li hu għamel żmien jiffanga bi dħul ta’ €17,000 fix-xahar int tikkrepa b’żieda miżera ta’ €1.75 fil-ġimgħa għall-għoli tal-ħajja.
Il-punt bażiku reali, imma, li l-billboard jinjora kompletament hu kif il-PLPN jimmanipulaw il-finanzi tal-pajjiż u l-proċeduri tax-xiri ta’ servizzi biex iżommu lill-ħbieb kuntenti u lill-għedewwa taħt kontroll.
Il-billboard tal-PN, jgħidilna li l-uffiċċju legali ta’ Robert Abela, xi żmien ilu, kellu dħul ta’ mhux inqas minn €17,000 fix-xahar mis-servizz professjonali legali li kien jagħti lill-Awtorità tal-Ippjanar. Il-billboard, imma, ma jgħidilna xejn dwar kif dan kollu oriġina minn sejħa għal espressjoni ta’ interess u sussegwentement direct order lil George Abela li kienet imbierka mill-Gvern immexxi minn Lawrence Gonzi. Dan seħħ fi żmien meta Abela ma kienx f’relazzjoni tajba la mal-Partit Laburista u inqas u inqas mat-tmexxija tal-istess partit!
F’sezzjoni tal-media kien irrappurtat li dan kollu beda fl-istess żmien meta George Abela aċċetta l-istedina biex jifforma parti mill-core group, parti mill-proċess preparatorju li kellu jwassal biex Malta tissieħeb fl-Unjoni Ewropea. George Abela ipparteċipa f’dan il-core group minkejja li l-Partit Laburista, li tiegħu sa ftit qabel hu kien Deputy Leader, kien jopponi din il-proposta b’qilla kbira.
Meta George Abela kien nominat u sussegwentement ġie appuntat President tar-Republika mill-Gvern ta’ Lawrence Gonzi, ibnu Robert ħa f’idejh it-tmexxija tal-uffiċċju legali ta’ missieru. Huwa u jagħmel dan, avukat ieħor li kien sħab ma’ George Abela spiċċa barra. Jingħad li ma qablux fuq kif ser jaqsmu dak li jdaħħal l-uffiċċju! Ftit wara, dan l-avukat l-ieħor spiċċa CEO tal-Awtorità tal-Ippjanar. Min hawn il-quddiem il-familja Abela ma kelliex diffikulta biex tgawdi r-rigal sostanzjali tal-Gvern ta’ Lawrence Gonzi. Il-familja Abela setgħet isserraħ rasha għax fil-mument tal-bżonn il-Gvern ta’ Lawrence Gonzi kien hemm għall-għajnuna. Wara kollox, mhux għalhekk qegħdin il-ħbieb?
Ta’ Abela kienu attentissimi li ħobżhom jieħdu ħsiebu sewwa! Dejjem irnexxielhom! Biex jaslu iddefendew kull taħwid fl-ippjanar għall-użu tal-art tul is-snin, kemm dak taħt il-Gvern ta’ Gonzi kif ukoll dak taħt is-suċċessur tiegħu Joseph Muscat.
Tul is-snin id-direct order lill-uffiċċju legali tal-familja Abela mhux biss ġie ikkonfermat, talli kiber fl-iskop u fil-ħlas li ġġenera.
Waqt dan kollu kien hemm leħen wieħed kritiku ta’ dak li kien qed jiġri: kien kritiku tad-direct order tal-Awtorità tal-Ippjanar lill-uffiċċju legali tal-familja Abela. Dan kien Joe Mizzi, l-Membru Parlamentari Laburista mill-Kalkara. Kien qiesu seqer, jaf x’inhu jiġri, għax hu kien ir-rappresentant tal-Opposizzjoni Laburista fuq il-Bord tal-Awtorità tal-Ippjanar.
Joe Mizzi dam ftit mhux ħażin biex ħa tweġiba għal dan kollu. Dan seħħ meta tħalla barra minn l-ewwel Kabinett ta’ Robert Abela liema Kabinett tħabbar nhar il-15 ta’ Jannar 2020! Imma sa dak in-nhar hu kien ilu jappoġġa l-kandidatura ta’ Chris Fearne għat-tmexxija tal-Partit Laburista.
Din hi l-istorja li l-billboard jaħbi. Storja ta’ kemm meta kien meħtieġ il-familja Abela u l-PN kienu jħokku dar xulxin!
ippubblikat fuq Illum: il-Ħadd 6 ta’ Frar 2022
Blog ta' Carmel Cacopardo 