The intolerance in our midst

 

Last Thursday, I led a number of officers of Alternattiva Demokratika-The Green Party, at a short yet symbolic ceremony in San Ġwann commemorating Karin Grech, murdered by a letter bomb 40 years ago on 28 December 1977. The ceremony was organised by the Labour Party, as it has been continuously since 1978.

Earlier in December, I participated in a similar ceremony in Gudja on the 31st anniversary of the murder of Raymond Caruana, a ceremony organised by the Nationalist Party.

Alternattiva Demokratika’s participation in these two commemorative ceremonies is not an attempt to create a fictitious balance. Rather, it is an effort to underline the wish that such activities should be owned by all political families – all of whom should participate. It is the only way to send the clear message that there is no room for intolerance in our midst. With the Nationalist Party and the Labour Party continuing to organise these yearly commemorations as party activities, there is still a long way to go. There is no room for partisanship in commemorating the victims of intolerance.

The pain inflicted on the families of Karin Grech and Raymond Caruana is much greater than that caused by the loss of a daughter or a son: it is a pain inflicted on the whole country – it is our loss, too. It is thus our collective duty to remember what led to this loss, hoping that this remembrance will lead to the possible avoidance of the same mistakes.

By being present at such commemorative events, we bear witness to a determination to avoid intolerance through the dismantling of our own Berlin wall, the demarcation line of two hostile tribes.

This country is capable of alternating between moods of solidarity without any limits and moods of extreme hostility, alternating between being extremely sensitive to the needs of others to witnessing violence of the worst kind. Contrary to what some try to portray, this is the real Malta.

The two commemorations to which I am referring are different, as they are the consequence of different circumstances which developed in Malta in the 10 years between 1977 and 1987.

Karin Grech’s murder is undoubtedly associated with the doctors’ dispute which continued over a long period. On the other hand, Raymond Caruana’s murder was the result of the political tensions that engulfed the country during the 1980s, as a result of which the groups of thugs that roamed the streets dissipated the feeling that they laid down the rules.

The similarity between the two is the loss of innocent lives and the inconclusive police investigations. The police cannot be blamed for lack of trying, because in one of the cases it was proved in Court that the Police even tried – unsuccessfully – to frame an innocent person: Pietru Pawl Busuttil.

Fortunately that is the past – more than 30 years ago. I sincerely hope that its use will be restricted to reminding us of the fruit of intolerance.

Notwithstanding our efforts, we will still have plenty of differences – some of which we will resolve but others that will remain in the pending tray for some time. Our efforts must focus on ensuring that we try to solve our differences in a civil manner.

Dialogue should be our primary tool. It is possible: it is the basis of the democratic process.

published in The Malta Independent on Sunday : 31 December 2017

Ħmar il-lejl: l-ippjanar għall-kosta u r-riżorsi marittimi

Nhar it-Tnejn il-Parlament beda d-diskussjoni dwar l-implimentazzjoni tal-leġislazzjoni tad-dimanju pubbliku u b’mod partikolari dwar rapport li ħejjiet l-Awtorità tal-Ippjanar fuq is-siti nominati. Ir-rapport jirreferi għal 24 sit nominati prinċipalment mill-għaqdiet ambjentali: 16-il sit kienu nominati minn Flimkien għal Ambjent Aħjar (FAA), seba’ siti minn Friends of the Earth u sit wieħed mill-Ministru għall-Ambjent Josè Herrera.

Id-diskussjoni għadha fl-istadji inizzjali u s’issa kienet limitata għal spjegazzjoni tal-liġi li l-Parlament approva lejn nofs l-2016.

Moħbi mill-attenzjoni pubblika hemm il-ħtieġa urġenti li tkun implimentata d-Direttiva tal-Unjoni Ewropeja dwar l-Ippjanar tal-Ispazju Marittimu. Din id-Direttiva kellha tkun addottata sa tmiem l-2014. Permezz tal-Avviż Legali 341 tal-2016 Malta nnominat lill-Awtorità tal-Ippjanar bħala l-awtorità kompetenti li ser tieħu ħsieb dak li għandu x’jaqsam mal-ippjanar tal-ispazju marittimu fil-gżejjer Maltin.

Wara li staqsejt inġibdet l-atttenzjoni tiegħi li l-Pjan dwar l-Ispazju Marittimu għal Malta diġà jifforma parti mill-Pjan Strateġiku dwar l-Ambjent u l-Iżvilupp (Strategic Plan for the Environment and Development – SPED). Ngħid il-verità ma kontx irrealizzajt dan. Ħsibt li kien hemm xi paġni f’dak id-dokument li kienu qabżuli u allura mort infittex mill-ġdid u sibt sezzjoni intitolata Coastal Zone and Marine Area u taħtha tlett oġġettivi għall ħarsien tal-kosta. Dawn l-oġġettivi jistgħu, u nittama li jkunu, sviluppati fi strateġija dettaljata dwar l-Ispazju Marittimu Malti.

Waqt li Malta jidher li llimitat ruħha għal tlett oġġettivi xotti, pajjiżi oħra għamlu ħidma kbira biex jippreparaw il-pjani tagħhom dwar l-Ispazju Marittimu. L-Irlanda, per eżempju, ippubblikat dokument ta’ 88 paġna intitolat Harnessing our Ocean Wealth. An Integrated Marine Plan for Ireland. Min-naħa l-oħra, ir-Renju Unit ippubblika dokument ta’ 55 paġna intitolat UK Marine Policy Statement.

Dawn iż-żewġ dokumenti jidħlu fid-dettall dwar l-Ippjanar għall-Ispazju Marittimu meħtieġ fl-Irlanda u r-Renju Unit. Bla dubju dawn id-dokumenti jeħtieġ li jkunu supplimentati bi pjani ħafna iktar dettaljati. Id-Direttiva tal-Unjoni Ewropeja fil-fatt tistabilixxi s-sena 2021 bħala d-data sa meta għandhom ikunu ffinalizzati l-Pjani għall-Ispazju Marittimu.

Malta hi gżira mdawra bil-baħar Mediterran. Fatt li għandu jkun rifless f’politika marittima serja u aġġornata. Sfortunatament dan mhux il-kaz għax jidher li għalina f’Malta it-tlett oġġettivi dwar il-kosta fil-Pjan Strateġiku dwar l-Ambjent u l-Iżvilupp (SPED) huma biżżejjed.

Id-Direttiva tal-Unjoni Ewropeja dwar l-Ippjanar tal-Ispazju Marittimu bla dubju hi intenzjonata biex iċċaqlaqna ħalli nimlew it-toqob fil-politika tagħna. L-ekonomija l-blu, jiġifieri l-ħidma ekonomika li tiddependi fuq l-użu tar-riżorsi marittimi, teħtieġ attenzjoni ħafna iktar dettaljata.

Il-Gvernijiet Maltin, wieħed wara l-ieħor, għamlu ħerba fuq l-art u ħsara bla qies fiż-żoni naturali. F’xi kazi l-ħsara li saret ftit tista’ tiġi rimedjata. L-ilma tal-pjan hu l-eżempju ewlieni.

L-ippjanar b’attenzjoni tal-Ispazju Marittimu jista’ jkun ta’ għajnuna biex din l-imġieba żbaljata tal-Gvernijiet ma tkunx esportata lil hinn mill-kosta ħalli wara li ħarbatna l-art ma nħarbtux il-baħar ukoll.

Snin ilu kien pass għaqli li kienet indirizzata l-kwalità tal-ilma baħar bl-introduzzjoni tal-impjanti għat-tisfija tad-drenaġġ. Għad baqa’ xi jsir biex l-ilma msoffi, flok jintrema, jibda jintuża. Kontinwament għadna niffaċċjaw it-tniġġiż mill-gaġeġ tal-ħut li għandna fl-ibħra u li qed ikollhom impatti kemm fuq iż-żoni residenzjali kif ukoll fuq il-faċilitajiet turistiċi. Imbagħad hemm ukoll is-sajd, it-tibdil fil-klima, l-bijodiversita, is-sigurtà marittima, il-fdalijiet arkeologiċi fil-baħar kif ukoll il-ħmar il-lejl li nassoċjaw mar-riklamazzjoni tal-baħar. Pjan għall-Ispazji marittimi fil-gżejjer Maltin irid jindirizza dawn l-oqsma u bosta oħra b’mod integrat.

Il-gżejjer Maltin fihom 316 kilometru kwadrat. L-ibħra Maltin sa 25 mil nawtiku mill-kosta fihom medda ferm ikbar b’kejl ta’ 11,480 kilometru kwadrat filwaqt li l-blata kontinentali taħt il-ġurisdizzjoni Maltija fiha 75,779 kilometru kwadrat.
Din hi l-isfida li għandna quddiemna biex inħarsu l-ibħra tagħna.

ippubblikat fuq Illum – 24 ta’ Diċembru 2017 

Il-Milied it-tajjeb

Nawgura l-Milied it-tajjeb lil kulħadd. Nawgura li l-ispirtu tal-Milied idum iktar minn 24 siegħa u li dan jinfirex matul is-sena kollha.

Il-Milied għandu jfisser sliem u solidarjetà, li lkoll ngħixu bħal aħwa.

Għalhekk nawguralkom li l-valuri tal-Milied inġorruhom magħna matul is-sena kollha, matul kull wieħed mit-365 jum tas-sena 2018.

Il-Milied it-tajjeb lil kulħadd: kemm lil dawk ta’ rieda tajba kif ukoll li dawk li m’għandhomx rieda tajba. Għax dawk ta’ bla rieda tajba huma l-iktar li-għandhom ħtiega li jiddakkru mill-ispirtu tal-Milied.

Planning nightmares: the coastline and marine resources

 

Last Monday, Parliament commenced a discussion on the implementation of the Public Domain legislation, in respect of which the Planning Authority has submitted a report entitled “Sites Nominated to be declared as Public Domain”. This report refers to 24 sites, nominated primarily by eNGOs: 16 sites were nominated by Flimkien għal Ambjent Aħjar (FAA), seven by Friends of the Earth and one by Minister for the Environment Josè Herrera.

The discussion is still in its initial stages and so far it has been limited to an explanation of the legislation enacted by Parliament in mid-2016.

Currently under the radar is the urgent need to implement the EU Directive on Maritime Spatial Planning, which had to be adopted by end of 2014. Malta has, in fact, adopted it and through Legal Notice 341 of 2016 it identified the Planning Authority as the competent authority which will deal with issues of maritime spatial planning in the Maltese Islands.

After submitting a query, it was pointed out to me that the Strategic Plan for the Environment and Development (SPED) shall constitute Malta’s Maritime Spatial Plan – something I had not realised. Thinking that I had missed something, I checked the SPED and found a text entitled Coastal Zone and Marine Area under which are listed three coastal objectives. These are clearly objectives that can (and hopefully will) be developed into a detailed Maritime Spatial Plan.

While Malta has apparently limited itself to three brief objectives, other countries have gone into considerable detail to prepare their Maritime Spatial Plans. Ireland, for example, has published an 88-page document entitled Harnessing our Ocean Wealth – an Integrated Marine Plan for Ireland and the United Kingdom has published a 55-page document entitled UK Marine Policy Statement.

Both documents go into some detail as to the Maritime Spatial Planning required in Ireland and the United Kingdom and they will undoubtedly have to be supplemented with more detailed plans. The EU Directive determines the year 2021 as the deadline for the establishment of Maritime Spatial Plans.

The fact that Malta is an island should be reflected in more importance being given to maritime policy. Unfortunately, this is clearly not the case as it seems that we have to manage with three coastal objectives in our Strategic Plan for Environment and Development (SPED).

The EU Directive on Maritime Spatial Planning is intended to nudge us to fill the gaps in our policies and plans. The blue economy, which is the economic activity dependent on the utilisation of marine resources, requires much careful planning.

Successive Maltese governments have ruined land-based resources and natural habitats. At times this has been done almost beyond repair. The water table is one such glaring example.

Careful maritime spatial planning could be of assistance in not exporting this erroneous behaviour beyond the coastline so that the environmental damage inflicted on the land is not repeated at sea.

Some years ago, addressing the quality of seawater by ensuring that urban wastewater dumped into the sea was adequately treated was a positive step. More still needs to be done to use the treated water. We repeatedly face issues of contamination arising out of fish-farms that has a negative impact on our residential and tourist facilities. What about fishing, energy, climate change, biodiversity, maritime safety, marine archaeological remains and land reclamation nightmares? A Maritime Spatial Plan for the Maltese Islands has to address all these issues and many more, in an holistic manner.

The Maltese Islands have a land area of 316 square kilometres. On the other hand, the area around the Maltese islands up to 25 nautical miles from the shoreline measures 11,480 square kilometres, while the area of the Continental Shelf under Malta’s jurisdiction in terms of the Continental Shelf Act measures approximately 75,779 square kilometres.

This is the physical extend of the challenge we face to protect our sea.

published in the Malta Independent on Sunday – 24th December 2017 

Godfrey, Marlene u l-kaċċa

Għamlu tajjeb Godfrey u Marlene li ressqu mozzjoni fil-Parlament kontra li jkunu estiżi l-ħinijiet tal-kaċċa fil-Park tal-Majjistral.

L-emenda mressqa mill-PN u li dwarha kien hemm qbil mill-Gvern Laburista hi logħba biex jakkwistaw ftit tal-ħin u jaħsbu ftit dwar x’ser jiġri minn issa l-quddiem.

Ovvjament, Marlene u Godfrey għad jridu jispjegaw kif daqqa favur il-kaċċa u xi minn daqqiet kontra l-kaċċa.

Probabbilment li jitkellmu skond min ikun hemm quddiemhom! Għax kunu afu li “Il-kaċċaturi għandhom lil Marlene Farrugia, it-tifla ta’ Joey tal-Blieq, nassab, tiddefendihom.”

Abbuż ta’ tfal fl-istituzzjonijiet fl-Awstralja

Fl-Awstralja għandha kif ġiet konkluża inkjesta dwar l-abbuż sesswali ta’ tfal fl-istituzzjonijiet. L-inkjesta damet għaddejja ħames snin u r-rapport li ġie ippubblikat f’dawn il-ġranet fih 17-il volum li ma jispiċċaw qatt. Ir-rapport jittratta “institutional responses into child sexual abuse“. Dan apparti diversi dokumenti oħra, prinċipalment ta’ natura konsultattiva li ġew ippubblikati matul il-ħames snin li ilha għaddejja l-inkjesta.

Ir-rapport fih 189 rakkomandazzjoni kif ukoll kritika qawwija lill-Knisja Kattolika fl-Awstralja.

Ir-rapport fih referenzi ukoll għal Malta u ċjoe għat-tfal li kienu mibgħuta bħala emigranti (sfurzati) prinċipalment fis-snin ħamsin. Dwar dawn, is-Senat Awstraljan fis-sena 2001 kien diġa ikkonkluda rapport intitolat Lost Innocents: Righting the Record. Report on Child Migration. liema rapport kien fih 33 rakkomadazzjoni oħra.

Kważi 7 snin ilu, fil-Parlament Malti, Lawrence Gonzi u Joseph Muscat kienu għamlu apoloġija lil dawn it-tfal Maltin għat-tbatija li sofrew. Kien hemm 315 tfal li uħud spiċċaw jagħmlu xogħol sfurzat u li hemm minnhom li sofrew abbuż kemm fiżiku kif ukoll sesswali.

Xi snin qabel il-Gvern kien kixef monument dedikat lil dawn it-tfal ix-Xatt ta’ Pinto, il-Valletta Waterfront.

Id-dibattitu dwar l-aħħar rapport Awstraljan ser ikun wieħed qawwi għax fost affarijiet oħra jattakka kemm iċ-ċelibat kif ukoll is-sigriet tal-qrar. Materji ta’ sensittivita kbira fil-Knisja Kattolika.

Huwa dibattitu li jista’ jaqbad xi ftit f’pajjiżna ukoll kemm minħabba l-kaz għad-danni li għadu pendenti quddiem il-Qrati Maltin in konnessjoni ma każ ta’ abbuż ta’ tfal minn żewġ membri tal-kleru, kif ukoll minħabba xi każijiet oħra li jistgħu jerġgħu joħorġu għad-dawl.

Encouraging the avoidance of paying tax

The issue as to whether or not  Malta is a tax haven has been brought to the fore once again, as a result of the amendment to the Panama Papers Inquiry Report discussed in the European Parliament earlier this week. The defeated amendment would have seen Malta, Luxembourg, Ireland and the Netherlands labelled by the European Parliament as “tax havens”.

The matter is much more complex. On the one hand it involves tax competition and on the other hand it is a matter of justice in taxation matters.

As has been repeatedly stated, competition on taxation matters is one of the few areas in which small, as well as peripheral, countries in the European Union have a competitive advantage. Alternattiva Demokratika-The Green Party is not in favour of loosing this competitive advantage through tax harmonisation in the EU. However, it has to be used in a responsible manner.

The rules permitting the refund of a substantial amount of tax paid by foreign-owned companies based in Malta is one of the main reasons for the current spotlight. This substantial tax refund effectively reduces the tax paid by such companies from 35% to five per cent and is obviously considered very attractive by a number of companies. The basic question that requires a clear answer is how many of these companies are letter-box companies, that is companies which do not have any part of their operations on Maltese soil?

It would be reasonable to encourage companies to base part of their operations in Malta and, as a result, make use of tax advantages. But in respect of those companies which have not moved any part of their operations to Malta, making use of beneficial taxation arrangements is unreasonable and unjust. It leads to such companies avoiding paying tax in the countries in which they create their profits and consequently avoiding their social responsibilities on paying taxes in the countries that are providing them with the very facilities which make it possible for them to create their wealth.

In a nutshell, Malta is providing these companies with the legal framework to avoid their taxation responsibilities in the countries in which they operate through payment of a fraction of these taxes to the Maltese Exchequer. They pocket the rest.

Hiding behind the EU unanimity rule on tax issues will not get us anywhere, as Ireland has learnt in the Apple case. At the end of the day, the situation is not just about  taxation: it also involves competition rules and rules regulating state aid, as the legal infrastructure encouraging the avoidance of taxation is, in effect, a mechanism for state aid. The is also an issue of tax justice, as a result of which tax should be paid where the profits are generated.

Tax competition has a role to play as an important tool that small and peripheral countries in the EU have at their disposal. No one should expect these countries, Malta included, to throw away the small advantage they have, but it should be clear that this should be used responsibly and in no way should it buttress the urge of multinationals to circumvent the national taxation system in the country where their profits are generated.

Profits should be taxed where they are actually generated and not elsewhere. The EU needs to end – once and for all – not only tax evasion but also tax avoidance resulting from loopholes in national taxation rules. For this to happen, the EU member states must not only be vigilant, but they must also refrain from encouraging tax avoidance through the creation of more loopholes.

Tackling tax evasion and tax avoidance seriously will mean that taxes are paid where they are due, thereby funding the services and infrastructure that is required in a modern, civilised society. This can only happen if more companies pay their dues.

Tax competition need not be a race to the bottom.

published in The Malta Independent on Sunday : 17 December 2017

Iż-żamma tal-ordni pubbliku fil-Marsa

L-ordni pubbliku nassoċjawh mal-Pulizija. Għax normalment hu xogħol il-Pulizija li żżomm l-ordni pubbliku. Ikun hemm mumenti straordinarji li l-pulizija jkollhom bżonn l-għajnuna. F’dawn iċ-ċirkustanzi ħafna drabi l-pulizja jingħataw l-għajnuna tal-armata.

M’hiex sitwazzjoni normali li l-armata tkun iddur fit-toroq biex iżżomm l-ordni pubbliku. Dan iseħħ jew f’mumenti ta’ emergenza inkella meta d-demokrazija tkun taħt theddida. Hekk isir fid-dinja kollha.

Huwa f’dan il-kuntest li wieħed għandu jqis id-dikjarazzjoni tal-Prim Ministru nhar l-Ħadd li għadda f’Santa Luċija dwar il-presenza tal-armata fit-toroq tal-Marsa biex tgħin lill-Pulizija fiż-żamma tal-ordni pubbliku. Iktar kmieni tkellem ukoll il-Ministru tal-Intern fuq l-istess punt.

Irrid ngħid li m’huwiex xogħol l-armata li tinżel fit-toroq. L-armata m’hiex imħarrġa għal hekk. It-taħriġ tagħha huwa biex tiddefendi lil pajjiż fil-konfront ta’ perikli ġejjin minn barra xtutna. Biż-żmien l-armata ngħata ukoll it-taħriġ biex tintervjeni f’każ ta’ diżastri naturali, bħal għargħar, kif ġieli fil-fatt tagħmel meta tgħin lid-Dipartiment tal-Protezzjoni Civili. Dan hu kollu tajjeb u l-armata jixirqilha l-grazzi tagħna lkoll għal dak kollu li jirnexxielha twettaq.

Kemm il-Prim Ministru f’Santa Luċija kif ukoll il-Ministru tal-Intern fil-Marsa iktar qabel, ħabbru ukoll li fl-Għassa tal-Marsa ser jibda jkun hemm Spettur kif ukoll li l-presenza tal-Pulizija fil-Marsa ser tiżdied bl-Ghassa tibda tkun miftuħa għal 24 siegħa kuljum. Dan hu kollu tajjeb għax il-presenza tal-Pulizija fit-toroq hi ta’ għajnuna kbira fiż-żamma tal-ordni pubbliku. Għax huwa meħtieg presenza ikbar ta’ pulizija fit-toroq tagħna, mhux biss fit-toroq tal-Marsa imma f’dawk tal-pajjiz kollu.

Fi ftit kliem hi l-pulizja li għanda tkun inkarigata miż-żamma tal-ordni pubbliku mhux l-armata. Dan jgħodd għall-Marsa u għal kull rokna ta’ Malta.

Open a bottle of wine baby!

The developments over the past week in the investigation into the assassination of Daphne Caruana Galizia in Bidnija have been substantial.

At this point in time, it appears that, as a result of the Malta Police having been assisted by more experienced investigators, they have possibly started mastering the technological divide which, until fairly recently seemed unbridgeable. Searches, arrests and arraignments have followed in quick succession. Other hitherto unsolved crimes involving bombs in the past few months may now possibly be on the verge of being solved too.

The systematic and detailed leaks to both local and foreign news outlets are apparently a celebration of this new technological mastery, although those master-minding the leaks may also be sending messages to those who can still spill the beans as to who commissioned the assassination.

“Open a bottle of wine, baby!” Feeding the press with titbits as to the celebratory bottle of wine requested by the same fingers which triggered the bomb through an SMS may send shivers down our spines as to the carefully planned assassination and the ruthlessness of the perpetrators. This precise detail was then followed by the information that the mobile phone used to trigger the bomb had exceeded its credit limit which led to a hitch, as a result of which an essential €5 mobile phone credit top-up served to unmistakeably identify the fingers operating the deadly phone.

A detailed examination of the conversations and messages exchanged through the deadly mobile phone has, most probably, revealed much more information which -rightly- has not been yet released. Even this information may be ultra-sensitive, at this point in time, in the exercise to identify those who may have commissioned this murder.

Undoubtedly, police investigators will have identified a multitude of possibilities, some realistic, others far-fetched, as to who could have had an interest in commissioning the assassination. Some of those arrested during the large-scale police operation in Marsa, Ħaż-Żebbuġ and St.Paul’s Bay earlier this week, are, in fact, indicative of this investigative line of action, even though seven of those arrested were eventually released on police bail.

Among the leaked information is the fact that the assassination has been planned for two months, meaning that the police have detailed information of electronic messages and phone conversations spanning this long. This undoubtedly will be the source of much more information that has so far been withheld. It could point towards other leads of crucial importance to understanding the still unknown elements of the plot.

The leaks are undoubtedly sourced at the nerve centre of the investigation. They reveal  uneasiness on the part of the police with regard to the local media, opting to leak substantial information to the foreign press. The local media also demands information, even though at times to make this available would clearly be counterproductive. The police would do well to invest substantially in some professional training on how to deal with the press. The top brass of the police force (starting with Commissioner Cutajar) clearly need it.

Notwithstanding these developments, basic misgivings about the investigation itself remain. The bad move on the part of Magistrate Consuelo Scerri-Herrera, who rushed head-on into the investigation when it was ethical to have stayed miles away from it, as well as the involvement of Deputy Commissioner Silvio Valletta, are serious mistakes that should have been avoided. The results obtained so far in the investigation do not cancel out these basic mistakes.

The arraignments made so far are a step forward. The case will, however, only be solved when those commissioning the assassination, as well as their motives, are known. It is only then that Daphne will rest in peace.

published in The Malta Independent on Sunday – 10 December 2017

Tradituri u tradimenti

 

Żewġ kelmiet li l-użu tagħhom qiegħed jiżdied. Dan id-diskors ma jagħmel ġid lil ħadd. La lil min jgħidu u l-anqas li min jisimgħu.

Dan hu diskors li ġeneralment qed jingħad minn persuni viċin il-Gvern tal-lum u dan b’difiża għall-kritika li qed issir, f’Malta u barra għal dak li għaddej madwarna.

Nifhem li l-kritika ddarras, b’mod partikolari meta tkun iebsa. Pero’ min hu konvint minn dak li qed jagħmel m’għandux ħtieġa ta’ insulti, iżda hu kapaċi jwieġeb argument b’argument.

L-użu tal-kelma “tradituri” fil-konfront tal-kritiċi tal-Gvern l-iktar li tagħmel il-ħsara hu lill-Gvern innifsu għax twassal il-messaġġ li dawk li jappoġġaw lill-Gvern (jew parti minnhom) huma intolleranti għall-kritika.

Fuq kollox għalkemm huwa l-Gvern (bis-saħħa tal-maġġoranza li għandu fil-Parlament) li jiddeċiedi, ma jfissirx li neċessarjament illi għandu raġun, kemm f’dak li jgħid kif ukoll f’dak li jagħmel.

Tajjeb li dejjem inżommu quddiem għajnejna li n-numri jiddeterminaw min jiddeċiedi, mhux min għandu raġun.

Il-kritika lill-Gvern tal-lum saret u tibqa’ issir, bħalma saret lill-Gvern tal-bieraħ. Iċ-ċavetta biex nimxu l-quddiem hi li lkoll niftħu widnejna beraħ biex nisimgħu iktar.

B’dan il-mod biss hemm iċ-ċans li jsiru inqas żbalji, mhux bl-insulti. Għax l-insulti huma l-għodda esklussiva ta’ min m’għandux fiduċja fir-raġuni.