Category Archives: corruption

Futur fis-sod

Futur fis-sod 2

Il-Partit Nazzjonalista qed jgħidilna li biex ikollna futur fis-sod (fl-edukazzjoni, ix-xogħol u s-saħħa) it-tim ta’ Lawrence u Simon hu indispensabbli.

Ma jgħidilniex iżda li l-present, għal uħud, fis-saħħa qiegħed fuq stretcher fil-kuritur u b’nuqqas ta’ mediċini. Simon, simpatiku bħal dejjem, ma jarax differenza bejn grocer li spiċċawlu l-piżelli u l-ispiżerija tal-Gvern b’lista dejjem tiżdied ta’ mediċini out of stock.

Huwa ovvju li l-investiment li għamel il-Ministru Joseph Cassar meta kien l-uniku membru tal-Kabinett li appoġġa l-kandidatura ta’ Simon għal viċi-Kap tal-PN ġja beda jirrendi. Verament każ ta’ investiment u futur fis-sod.

Imbagħad hemm is-Segretarju Ġenerali baħbuħ, Pawlu Borg Olivier, li jidher li qed jitgħallem kif jibagħat l-emails. Il-bieraħ bi tbissima, bejn Paula u Marthese, ħabbar il-linji gwida tal-Manifest Elettorali tal-PN u nfurmana kemm il-Partit jgħozz id-diversita’. Ħasra li ma kellux ċans jispjega għaliex id-diversita’ li jgħozz il-PN s’issa waslet sal-logo ta’ din il-kampanja elettorali. U jidher li sa hemm tista’ tasal!

L-aħħar punt.

X’futur hemm għalina u għal uliedna jekk jibqa’ jkollna Ministri (u Prim Ministru) li għalihom xejn m’hu xejn? Għax għal Gvern immexxi mill-PN, li Ministru jiddobba lift fuq jet privat ma bniedem tal-business biex jara logħba futbol ma fiha xejn. L-anqas jekk xi żmien wara, viċin jew fil-bogħod irid jieħu deċiżjoni politika dwar kif fl-aħjar interess tal-pajjiż jeħtieġ li tkun regolata l-industrija.

Ma ġara xejn l-anqas jekk is-Segretarju Privat ta’ Ministru jammetti fil-Qorti li hu korrot. B’daqshekk?  L-aqwa li lill-Ministru tidhirlu d-Duluri u tfissirlu kemm hi inkwetata.

Qatt ma qalilna jekk kienitx inkwetata minħabba fih!

The PN’s new values

corruption.eu

The PN, for many a year used to proclaim to one and all that all those who were aware of the existence of corruption and did not stand up to be counted were as a result supporting corruption.

It is on record that the former Private Secretary to the Minister of Finance has pleaded guilty in Court when charged with corruption.

When called to the witness stand, giving evidence against those who corrupted him, Noel Borg Hedley, Private Secretary to Minister Tonio Fenech stated that the monies he collected were used to finance the Hon Minister’s electoral campaign in 2008.

The Hon Minister in comments made to the press stated that he was not aware of the source of the finances used in his electoral campaign.

Malta Today reported as follows on 6 February 2012:

Noel Borg Hedley, 67, of Gzira – who last year was handed a permanent interdiction and conditionally discharged for three years after admitting to bribery – took the witness stand against his alleged ‘tippers’ and confirmed with Magistrate Audrey Demicoli that he received cheques and cash from the Montebellos as “donations” for activities connected to Fenech’s political campaign, but was later also “tipped” for his interventions with governmental departments which handled property tax matters. The Montebellos are denying the charges.

The Hon Minister made this statement notwithstanding that (according to his Private Secretary’s testimony)  it was he (the Minister) who gave him instructions as to whom he was to contact in order to be in a position to pay his electoral bills.

Five years on there are still a number of unanswered questions.

First : as the Hon Minister stated that he was not aware of the identity of those who financed his campaign, how did he collect the necessary information in order to submit the return required by electoral legislation as to the identity of those who financed him and the quantum of finance used, which as per his declaration did not exceed €1,400?

Second : on the basis of the conviction of his former Private Secretary as well as his testimony why did the Hon Tonio Fenech not shoulder his political responsibilities and resign?

Third:  once he did not resign does it not follow that the Hon Tonio Fenech considered that the way he  acted was honourable, so much that he deserved (in his view) to be elected Deputy Leader of the PN?

Fourth:  does it not seem that the PN is proud of Hon Tonio Fenech and the fact that he financed his electoral campaign with tainted money?  In fact the PN is once more presenting him as a candidate on 9 March general elections as one of the symbols of its new values!

 originally published in di-ve.com on January 4, 2013

amended at 13.46 , January 4, 2013 (added part in red)

Il-korruzzjoni: meta din tiffinanzja l-kampanja elettorali tal-Ministru

euros-loads-of-money

Il-liġi elettorali tistabilixxi li kandidat għall-elezzjoni ġenerali m’għandux jonfoq iktar minn €1,400 (l-ekwivalenti ta’ Lm600). Dan l-ammont jinkludi dak li jonfqu f’isem il-kandidat il-“ħbieb tiegħu”.

Kemm-il kandidat ser jinjora dan il-limitu fl-elezzjoni tad-9 ta’ Marzu 2013 u qiesu ma ġara xejn?

Il-problema mhiex biss l-ammont minfuq, iżda iktar u iktar minn fejn jiġu dawn il-flejjes. Malajr tifhmu għaliex għal sena wara l-oħra jkollna t’kaxkir tas-saqajn biex ikollna liġi suriet in-nies dwar il-finanzjament tal-politika.

Minn fejn jiġu dawn il-flejjes?

Tweġiba żgħira ħadniha meta Noel Borg Hedley, dak li kien Segretarju Privat ta’ Tonio Fenech, Ministru tal-Finanzi, ammetta fil-Qorti, li kkorrompa ruħu billi aċċetta l-flus biex jinfluwenza proċess amministrattiv. Il-flus tal-korruzzjoni li irċieva mingħand żviluppaturi (l-ahwa Jeffrey u Peter Montebello) għamel użu minnhom fil-kampanja elettorali tal-Ministru Tonio Fenech.

Għal Lawrence Gonzi jidher li qiesu ma ġara xejn meta fil-Qorti saret dikjarazzjoni ċara li l-korruzzjoni iffinanzjat il-kampanja elettorali ta’ wieħed mill-Ministri tiegħu.

Qed ngħid wieħed: għax b’dak nafu.

Weeding out corruption

corruption

One of the Bills currently pending before Parliament is the Private Member’s Motion presented by Franco Debono.  Motion 288 was presented on January 21, 2012. Entitled “An Act to regulate the formation, the inner structures, functioning and financing, of political parties and their participation in elections”. This Bill will be discarded once Parliament is dissolved.

Parliament did not discuss the Bill, although the Parliamentary Select Committee headed by Franco Debono and including MPs Francis Zammit Dimech and Jose’ Herrera discussed the matter at length in two public sessions in which representatives of all political parties and civil society participated.

The 2013 general elections will proceed on the basis of the current “rules” of party financing: a free for all. The circus which will be organised at Pieta’ and Ħamrun up till next Sunday will place common people at the forefront with their small donations to the political parties of their choice. There is nothing wrong with that. But unfortunately those making genuine donations will camouflage others whose objective is not so genuine.

Fat cats will pay homage at Pieta’ and Ħamrun contributing to the party coffers. These will be in addition to those who have already done so quietly. These later ones do not advertise donations. It is only occasionally that inadvertently their activity comes to light.

Readers will remember the case of Noel Borg Hedley, former private secretary of the Finance Minister Tonio Fenech who admitted in court the criminal charges brought against him that he accepted bribes from  building developers. He accepted tips and donations which he used to finance the electoral campaign of his boss, Minister Tonio Fenech.

The Minister has denied knowledge of the source of the finances used in his election campaign. It is not known whether the police have investigated the Hon Minister as to whether, notwithstanding his denial, he actually knew anything about the matter. No one is above the law, we are told.

This is one case which the public knows about. After the Borg Hedley case Minister Tonio Fenech was retained by Lawrence Gonzi as part of the Cabinet indicating clearly Dr Gonzi’s standards.

The government led by Lawrence Gonzi  did not have the political will to  introduce a regulatory structure which determines and limits the permissible amounts which can be donated as well as determining the compulsory disclosure of the names of those who make donations to political parties and their candidates.

Alternattiva Demokratika considers that the public has a right to know the identity of those financing all the political parties and their candidates. In particular regulation of party financing should establish a limit on the maximum donation which may be received from any one donor.  AD’s electoral manifesto to be published in the coming weeks will once more place this matter on the general election agenda emphasising that donations received by political parties (including their candidates) in excess of €5,000 per annum should be disclosed as well as that it should be illegal to receive donations in excess of €40,000 per annum from one source.

All political parties, year in year out, piously declare themselves in favour of transparency. Yet when push comes to shove those who have the power to legislate have repeatedly failed to act.

Regulating the financing of political parties is an essential building block in the fight against corruption. The fact that no such legislation is in place is adequate proof that there is no political will to weed out corruption.

First published on di-ve.com: December 14, 2012

Thirty-eight nations draft principles on anticorruption

Antigraft bodies from 38 countries are jointly drafting principles on anticorruption during a two-day conference, organized by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) and the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), in Jakarta.

The antigraft body representatives from Asia, Africa, America and Europe shared their experiences and knowledge on Monday. The discussions and studies will be used as a basis for drafting the principles, which will be declared on Tuesday.

KPK chairman Abraham Samad said he hoped that the principles would help to safeguard the independence and effectiveness of antigraft bodies, as mandated in the 2003 United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC).

“Besides stipulating the formation of anticorruption bodies, the UNCAC mandates that the bodies should have sufficient independence to effectively perform their mandates and free from any intervention,” he said during the opening ceremony.

Abraham pointed out that support from each government was pivotal to improve the performance of their respective antigraft bodies.

He applauded the governments of Singapore and Hong Kong for giving full support to their antigraft bodies. On the contrary, pressure and interference continue to hinder the performance of antigraft bodies in Nigeria, Mongolia and Afghanistan.

Beate Trankmann, UNDP country director in Indonesia, said that Indonesia’s broad experience in eradicating corruption prompted the UN body to choose it as the host country.

“We have well-rounded experience here in Indonesia with the KPK having been established in 2003. It is generally regarded as a well-functioning anticorruption commission. There is important experience to be learned from Indonesia on how these challenges are being overcome,” she told journalists during a press conference.

Qajjenza time-bomb defused

Earlier this week the Gasco gas plant at Bengħajsa was inaugurated. It marked the first phase of a project which will eventually lead to the dismantling of the Enemalta gas plant at Qajjenza.

The Qajjenza gas plant was surrounded by a residential area built primarily as a result of the issuing of building permits in the late 1970s and early 1980s by an administration which was insensitive to the safety of residents. There were also various allegations of corruption as to the development permits issued  at Qajjenza. Being in the vicinity of the gas plant land at Qajjenza was slightly cheaper to purchase and hence eventual permits rendered substantially higher profits.

This is the reason why an area which should have been retained as undeveloped was in fact developed with residential units.

The transfer of the gas plant from Qajjenza to Bengħajsa solves this problem. It was a time bomb which fortunately never exploded.

The commencement of the second phase will lead to the dismantling of the equipment on site at Qajjenza gas plant as well as a decontamination of the site if this proves necessary.

This is progress even if it has taken a considerable time to achieve.

 originally published at di-ve.com on November 16, 2012 

Dom : abjad jew iswed iżda bla griż

Il-funeral statali ta’ Dom Mintoff kif kien mistenni ħareġ fil-pubbliku l-appoġġ u l-approvazzjoni li Dom għadu kapaċi jqanqal, minkejja li hemm min ipprova jpinġih bħala traditur.  Miet imma għexa b’viżjoni ċara. Viżjoni li kienet ċara sa mill-ewwel ġranet tal-ħidma politika tiegħu.

Ta’ 23 sena fid-Daily Malta Chronicle ippubblika l-mission statement tiegħu : “Malta għandha bżonn ta’ membri ġodda b’ideat godda li jkunu jistgħu jgħaqqdu l-elementi progressivi kollha u tbiddel is-sistema soċjali medjevali f’sistema li tkun l-għira tal-bqija tad-dinja.” Fl-1939 il-messaġġ ta’ Dom kien ċar għal kulħadd, ħlief għal min ma riedx jisma’. L-impenn tiegħu fil-ħajja pubblika Dom kien jarah bħala l-għodda biex ineħħi l-għanqbut!  Kien mgħaġġel, probabilment għax kien konxju li l-politiku hu għasfur tal-passa. Allura fittex li jagħsar kull opportunita’ li ġiet quddiemu. Ma kellux paċenzja ma min kien kajman.  Min kien jimxi bil-mod iżżejjed kien jarah ta’ xkiel li seta jtellfu l-ħin u per konsegwenza l-opportunita li jwettaq il-viżjoni tiegħu.

Il-viżjoni tiegħu wettaqha. Imma weġġa’ ħafna nies. Weġgħat li faċilment setgħu ġew evitati. Kif għidt diġa f’kitba oħra tiegħi hi sfortuna kbira li dawk ta’ madwaru mhux dejjem kienu kapaċi jagħtuh parir tajjeb. Pariri tajbin kienu bla dubju jnaqqsu l-possibilta’ ta’ ħsara u jagħmlu l-bniedem iktar aċċettabbli – jew inqas inaċċettabbli – milli fil-fatt hu.

Hemm ukoll il-problema kkawżata mid-debbolizzi tiegħu illi kif ilu jingħad fil-widnejn seta kien hemm min uzhom biex jirkattah. Fil-fatt fi blog oħra, dik ta’ Daphne Caruana Galizia, iktar kmieni din il-ġimgħa ġiet ippubblikata storja dwar dan il-punt. Din l-istorja ġiet imneħħja ftit wara għax kien fiha żball. Imma mhux billi tneħħiet minn fuq il-blog, l-istorja xorta għadha teżisti x’imkien fuq l-internet u tista’ tinqara billi wieħed jagħmel użu minn din il-link: għafas hawn. Għax it-teknoloġija, tajjeb jew ħażin, illum tikxef kollox. (Nota: sadanittant ġiet ippubblikata edizzjoni ġdida tal-post li kienet irtirata li tista’ tinqara hawn)

Din hi storja dwar rikatt u sfortunatament hija ibbażata fuq inċidenti li l-gazzetti naqsu serjament illi jinvestigaw u jinfurmaw lill-pubbliku dwarhom. Veru li meta ġraw ma kien hawn  l-ebda tradizzjoni ta’ ġurnaliżmu investigattiv fil-pajjiż. Ġurnalisti kapaċi kien hawn, imma l-klima politika ma kienitx tippermettilhom li jaħdmu. Imma in-nuqqas xorta jibqa’ hemm u kellu konsegwenzi kbar. Kif jixhed l-inċident tar-ritratti li ġew ippreżentati fil-Parlament minn Lorry Sant. Ir-ritratti jixħtu dawl fuq dak li ġara u inżammu mistura. Biex seta’ jseħħ rikatt ħalli tinħeba l-korruzzjoni, li xorta inkixfet ftit wara bir-rapport tal-Kummissjoni dwar il-Korruzzjoni fuq Lorry Sant.

Dawn u ħafna affarijiet oħra għad iridu jinkitbu volumi sħaħ dwarhom. Kif qal l-Arċisqof Pawlu Cremona dalgħodu Dom bena l-ħidma politika tiegħu fuq żewġ pilastri importanti: li jgħin lill-fqir u li jsaħħah l-identitia’ nazzjonali. Hi sfortuna li kellu jirrombla minn fuq ħafna. Li għalaq għajnjeh għal ħafna ħmieġ w irregolaritajiet amministrattivi. Li kien imdawwar minn nies vjolenti li kellhom is-setgħa li jagħmlu li jridu mingħajr ma jiġrilhom xejn, għax il-Pulizija kienu dejjem jipproteġu lilhom.

Għexna fi żminijiet koroh. Żmien fejn l-abbuż kien igglorifikat. Veru li Dom għamel il-ġid imma dan il-ġid m’huwiex gomma li tħassar il-ħsara li saret. Fl-aħħar l-istorja għad tagħti l-ġudizzju tagħha. Nittama li l-abjad jibqa’ abjad imma li l-iswed jibqa’ iswed ukoll. Għax Dom ma kellux griz!

Ir-riżenja ta’ George Pullicino

Naf li qed noħlom meta ngħid li George Pullicino għandu jirreżenja. Imma naf ukoll li l-politika hi t-twettiq tal-ħolm.

Pullicino għandu jirreżenja għax arroganti u inkompetenti. Dwar l-arroganza tiegħu inkiteb ħafna matul il-perjodu li kien responsabbli għall-MEPA. L-agħar perjodu għal ħafna snin għall-ambjent f’pajjiżna.

Nhar is-7 t’Awissu 2012 il-Kummissjoni Ewropea ippubblikat rapport analitiku dwar kif qed titħaddem fis-27 pajjiż membru l-politika dwar l-immaniġjar tal-iskart. Dan ir-rapport hu intitolat Screening of Waste Management Performance of EU Member States.

F’dan ir-rapport Malta ġiet ikklassifikata fost dawk il-pajjiżi li għandhom deficit fi prattikament l-oqsma kollha tal-implimentazzjoni tal-politika tal-immaniġjar tal-iskart. Ir-rapport hu iktar iebes minn hekk, juża l-kliem implementation gap. Jiġifieri ghad baqa’ ħafna ħafna xi jsir biex il-paroli u l-fatti ma jibqgħux jikkuntrastaw!

Il-Greċja u l-Bulgarija biss ġew ikklassifikati agħar minn pajjiżna. Il-Greċja qegħda f’tarf ta’ kollass ekonomiku u l-Bulgarija mifnija bil-korruzzjoni! Il-Litwanja kklassifikati daqsna!

Dak ċertifikat!

Għal dawn l-aħħar tmien snin ir-responsabbilta’ politika għall-politika dwar l-iskart kienet ta’ George Pullicino.

Kienet responsabbilta li għaddhielu Lawrence Gonzi fl-ewwel Kabinett tiegħu. Responsabbilta’ li ħadha mingħand Ninu Zammit u għaddiha lil Pullicino f’Marzu 2004.

F’dawn it-tmien snin Pullicino iktar kien moħħu fil-konfront politiku bħal dak li infexx fih f’Marsaskala dwar l-Impjant ta’ Sant Antnin milli li jiżviluppa politika dwar l-iskart li taħdem għax hi aċċettata. Bl-arroganza tipika tiegħu rnexxielu jkisser il-possibilita ta’ kunsens mal-komunitajiet u tefa lura ħafna l-iżvilupp ta’ sens komunitarju fil-politika tal-immaniġjar tal-iskart. Ir-riperkussjonijiet għadhom qed jinħassu anke’  illum.

Hu veru li r-rapport tal-Kummissjoni Ewropea janalizza l-qagħda kif kienet sentejn ilu u dan għax jaħdem fuq statistika u rapporti li ilhom ftit ippubblikati. Imma dan ma jgħoddx biss għal pajjiżna. Jgħodd ukoll għal pajjiżi bħall-Awstrija, l-Olanda, id-Danimarka u l-Ġermanja li kienu fuq quddiem nett fil-klassifika u komplew jissaħħew!

Anke’ jekk imxejna ftit il-quddiem, ftit iktar milli jindika r-rapport, xorta għadna lura ħafna. Għal dan jaħti biss George Pullicino.

Ir-rapport juri falliment fil-parti l-kbira mill-kriterji addottati biex jitkejjel il-performance tal-pajjiżi membri tal-Unjoni Ewropea.

Dan hu ċertifikat ta’ falliment li għalih għandu jassumi responsabbilta politika l-Ministru George Pullicino. Jiġifieri għandu jkun raġel u jgħid “fallejt” u jirreżenja. Jagħmel il-wisa’ għal min jista’ jagħti kontribut pożittiv għall-implimentazzjoni tal-politika dwar l-iskart.

The Delimara Inquiry: unfinished business

by Carmel Cacopardo

published on May 1, 2010

_______________________________________________________________

Many unanswered questions arise from the National Audit Office (NAO) report entitled Enemalta Corporation Tender for Generating Capacity. The conclusions are certainly damning and with no stretch of the imagination can they be considered as pointing at mere shortcomings.

Was there any corruption involved in the Delimara tender? The NAO report is clear: “The NAO’s inquiry did not come across any hard and conclusive evidence of corruption…” (page 8). In my opinion this means that the evidence of wrongdoing encountered and documented does not lead to a definite conclusion. Evidence is still there awaiting further investigations.

It would be worthwhile to recollect that in the few cases in Malta’s recent history where it was concluded that corruption had been proven this had resulted because someone directly involved had spilt the beans.

As reported in other sections of the press, the commissions in play in connection with the Delimara tender are substantially higher than what is normal in this business. When this is coupled with the lack of cooperation encountered by the NAO during its investigations as well as the selective leakages identified, it is reasonable to conclude that much more could yet be unearthed.

But then there is also a related case of proven corruption: Lahmeyer International (LI), Enemalta’s advisers, were found guilty of corruption relative to two World Bank contracts and, as a result, on November 6, 2006, they were added to the World Bank’s blacklist. The tainted contracts refer to the Lesotho Highlands Water Project in respect of which LI had responsibilities for detailed design work, construction supervision, project studies and technical assistance in connection with water delivery tunnels.

LI offered their services to Enemalta in April 2008, 17 months after being included on the World Bank blacklist. Initially, the unsolicited services of LI were refused by Enemalta but one month later someone had second thoughts and their services were accepted. Why?

When queried by the NAO, senior Enemalta officials declared that they were not aware that LI was blacklisted by the World Bank. The NAO report declares (page 115) that it “was not convinced of the explanations given”.

In the meantime, LI is still advising the Malta Resources Authority, which has not yet publicly reacted to the news that its adviser is currently on the World Bank blacklist for corruption. But maybe we will hear about that at some later stage when the energy interconnection between Malta and Sicily is scrutinised.

In my opinion, the fact that Enemalta did not check into LI’s ethical credentials indicates that Enemalta does not consider these to be of any relevance to its operations. This is not a shortcoming but a serious error of judgment.

Some may point fingers at “inexperienced officers” who dealt with the case. Enemalta board has a duty towards taxpayers to ensure that it engages only the best available staff. It was for this reason that, in the past, we were informed of the substantial emoluments being paid to some of the senior officers. We have been reminded that if you employ the best you cannot pay peanuts. Much more than peanuts has been paid but Enemalta has ended up with monkey business just the same!

There is then the issue of changing the rules mid-way through the process. Enemalta had initiated the tendering process in November 2006 through a Request for Pro-posals. During the adjudication, in January 2008, the government changed the rules relative to the permissible emissions. The NAO states that while this change is permissible in terms of the relative EU Directive (page 22) the tendering process should have been aborted and the tender reissued in view of the fact that the original specifications were based on different emission levels. Such a line of action, says the NAO, would have ensured a greater degree of transparency and equity (page 53).

There are many other issues the report unearths but the space allotted for this article is very limited.

The NAO-led inquiry was a tough job the Auditor General has done honourably. I have no doubt that he will take the criticism by Enemalta’s chairman and members of the Cabinet in his stride. It is, after all, an occupational hazard that goes with his job.

In view of the damning NAO report, in a democracy, the politician responsible for the Enemalta Delimara tender would stand up, accept political responsibility and resign. So far, he has not done so, which means that all Cabinet has now been forced to collectively shoulder the responsibility instead of their colleague. The only positive note is that he has been relieved of his Enemalta duties some weeks ago!

The NAO report is not the end of the story as many answers are still awaited. This is a business yet unfinished.

original article at : The Times

World Bank on Enemalta’s advisors

World Bank Sanctions Lahmeyer International for Corrupt Activities in Bank-Financed Projects

 
   

 

Press Release No:129/2007/INT

Contact:
Media Contacts: In South Africa – Mallory Saleson: 27-12-431-3100; In Washington – David Theis (202) 458-8626;Amy Stilwell (202) 458-4906
PRETORIA, South Africa, November 6, 2006 — The World Bank has declared Lahmeyer International GmbH (Lahmeyer), a German company, ineligible to be awarded Bank-financed contracts for a period of seven years, because of corrupt activities in connection with the Lesotho Highlands Water Project (LHWP). The period of ineligibility may be reduced by four years if the Bank determines that Lahmeyer has met specific compliance conditions and fully cooperated with the Bank in disclosing past sanctionable misconduct.The World Bank’s Sanctions Committee found that Lahmeyer engaged in corrupt activities by bribing the Lesotho Highlands Development Authority’s Chief Executive, Mr. Masupha Sole, the government official responsible for contract award and implementation under the LHWP, in violation of the Bank’s procurement guidelines. In July 2004, the World Bank debarred Acres International, another firm convicted of paying bribes under the LHWP, for a period of three years. Two other European firms were also convicted in Lesotho in relation to the LHWP, although they were not involved in the Bank-financed portions of the project.“The Government of Lesotho has shown courage and leadership in successfully prosecuting its own officials and several large foreign companies for corruption,” said World Bank President Paul Wolfowitz. “Institutions like the World Bank, and the governments of rich countries, should support the bold stance of poor countries like Lesotho which are working to make sure that precious public resources go to help the poor, for whom they are intended.”The case is a re-opening of 2001 debarment proceedings against Lahmeyer in relation to the LHWP. The Government of Lesotho announced criminal indictments of Lahmeyer and Mr. Sole in 1999. Following the announcement of the indictments, the World Bank’s Department of Institutional Integrity initiated an investigation into whether Lahmeyer had engaged in corrupt practices in relation to its contracts with the Bank. In October 2001, the Sanctions Committee found that the evidence was not sufficient to make a determination, and said that it would re-examine its findings in light of any additional relevant information. In 2002 and 2003, the High Court of Lesotho convicted Mr. Sole and Lahmeyer of bribery. The Court of Appeal of Lesothoaffirmed Mr. Sole’s conviction in April 2003, and Lahmeyer’s conviction on six of seven counts in April 2004. In light of the information obtained from these decisions, the World Bank re-opened debarment proceedings against Lahmeyer in August 2005.Once the indictments were announced in mid-1999, the World Bank provided extensive evidentiary support to the Lesotho prosecutors and made Bank staff available for interviews. The World Bank later assisted the Government by bringing together the Lesotho prosecutors with the various project funding agencies and EU anti-fraud officials. The Bank benefited greatly from the investigative work done by the Lesotho Government in bringing the debarment case against Lahmeyer and Acres. “We are very grateful to the Government of Lesotho for its leadership in the fight against corruption,” Wolfowitz said.The LHWP is a massive, multi-billion dollar water transfer and hydropower project implemented by governments of Lesotho and South Africa. The project is designed principally to transfer water from the Maluti Mountains in eastern and central Lesotho to the Gauteng Province of South Africa. In connection with the LHWP, Lahmeyer was found to have arranged bribery payments to Mr. Sole. Lahmeyer received two World Bank contracts pertaining to the water transfer component that related to detailed design work, construction supervision, project studies and technical assistance in connection with the Water Delivery Tunnel South and the Mohale Tunnel.

In making its recommendation to World Bank President Paul Wolfowitz, the Committee took into account several factors, including Lahmeyer’s lack of cooperation with respect to the World Bank’s investigation, as well as Lahmeyer’s payment of a criminal fine in Lesotho and its cooperation with the Lesothoauthorities.

Accordingly, the Bank has decided to allow for a possible four-year reduction in the debarment period if Lahmeyer puts in place a satisfactory corporate compliance and ethics program and cooperates fully with the Bank in disclosing any past misconduct, including through a review of its Bank-financed contracts.

“This sanction reflects a serious response to corrupt practices,” said Graeme Wheeler, Managing Director of the World Bank Group and Chairman of the Bank’s Sanctions Committee. “At the same time, the sanction is structured to encourage Lahmeyer to demonstrate that its contracts and practices now meet the high standards that are essential to the Bank’s work.”

Background Information

The World Bank Department of Institutional Integrity (INT) is charged with investigating allegations of fraud and corruption in Bank-financed projects. The department reports directly to the President of the World Bank and is staffed by a multinational team including investigators, legal specialists, forensic accountants, and others. Additional information can be found at http://www.worldbank.org/integrity .

The sanctions process is an internal administrative process within the World Bank. It provides for due process of all parties involved in a dispute. Since the Sanctions Committee was established in November 1998, the World Bank sanctioned more than 330 firms and individuals. For more information on procurement and sanctions, see: http://www.worldbank.org/procure.

For more information on the World Bank’s anti-corruption policies and activities, see: http://www.worldbank.org/anticorruption.